The NEFA War was played in three acts. Everything that I have narrated so far was the Prelude: Thagla Ridge was the Climax: everything that happened after Thagla, viz. Towang, Sela Pass and Bomdilla was the Anticlimax. The Thagla incursion was gradually allowed to become the battle for the survival of those responsible for India’s China Policy including the Generals who had associated themselves with the tepid military response to the Chinese threat.
The story that I shall recount is the story of the curtain-raiser to the NEFA Campaign. To understand the Thagla Battle, which opened the short war, I have given the political and strategic background that produced it. The failure^ was essentially due to the tactical and administrative factors which proved insurmountable. The most dominating factor was the topography of the mighty Himalayan Ranges.
The most famous dictum in military history is von Clausewitz’s “War is the continuation of State policy by other means”. The Thagla Battle and the NEFA Campaign were not the continuation of the Indian State Policy by other means. It became an act of self-immolation brought on by political expediency in the face of uninformed public pressure; credulity in Chinese good behaviour and gross negligence in assessing and preparing for a military showdown.
The Thagla confrontation which began on 8th September and ended in the massive Chinese attack on 20th October can itself be divided into four phases. The first phase, from 8th September to 20th September, was the advance to contact, ending in the exchange of fire between regular battalions of India and China.
The second phase lasted from 20th September to 3rd October 1962, during which time a scratch force was hurriedly marshalled at Lumpu, some 15 miles from Thagla; Government and the Army High Command were insisting on the eviction of the Chinese intruders regardless of the consequences; and the forward commanders were trying to give military shape to the ordained tasks. This phase ended in a military deadlock, as there was no prospect of evicting the Chinese in the prevailing disparities between the two forces but Government would not bow to the harsh realities.
The third phase, from 3rd October to 10th October, marked the replacement of Lt. Gen. Umrao Singh, XXXIII Corps Commander; the appointment of Lt. Gen. B. M. Kaul to command, with the task of “speeding up operations”; and the move of 7 Brigade to the Namka Chu, culminating in the major skirmish of 10th October at Tseng Jong.
The fourth and final phase, from 10th to 20th October, witnessed 7 Brigade helplessly tethered to the Namka Chu Valley, until it was destroyed on the morning of the 20th.
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On 11th September I was constantly prodded to give the “exact” location of the Assam Rifles and Punjab patrols which were moving post-haste to Dhola. My staff maintained a round-the-clock vigil by the wireless set but could not establish contact. There were cynical and sarcastic remarks about the standard of 7 Brigade’s wireless proficiency, as if the Brigade signallers could redress the inadequacies of our antiquated equipment. (For years the Army had been waiting for Bharat Electronics to produce better sets indigenously. We spent many years drawing up qualitative requirements more to suit the capability of this Public Sector enterprise than to meet the Army’s requirements in the mountains.) Everyone wanted to know why the columns had not yet relieved Dhola. On the current |-inch maps the distance appeared to be only six miles. All these nasty observations were from officers in the rear areas, who knew neither the terrain nor the timings involved. They could devise no better technique of command than by the issue of ceaseless exhortations to “hurry up”. This is facetiously known as the “giddyap” system. In sheer disgust I had to point out that in the mountains troops could either keep moving or waste time halting and setting up special aerials to report progress. I recommended working on the old British Army slogan “No news is good news”.
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9 Punjab set off from Towang for Lumpu. I asked the CO to establish temporary, ad hoc transit camps at Lumla and Shakti. I milked everyone of pots and pans, tents and wireless sets, and allotted him some pioneers to collect air-drops at Lumla and Lumpu.
More frantic messages continued to be received from Dhola Post but there was ribthing to be done till the relief parties reached the invested garrison.
GOG 4 Division left Towang on 12th September to meet the Army and Corps Commander.
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I did not know at the time what was happening at Lucknow (Command HQJ or at Delhi. It is now known that on 11th September there was a meeting in the Defence Minister’s office, attended by Lt. Gen. Sen. Sen is quoted as saying that there were some 600 Chinese in the vicinity of Dhola and that
he would require a brigade to deal with them. He added that he had ordered “the brigade” on this mission and that it would take 10 days to concentrate.
In retrospect, I cannot understand the basis for General Sen’s authoritative assessment of the Chinese strength, or his categorical guarantee of concentrating “a brigade” to deal with the Chinese, within 10 days. If he did make the statements attributed to him, he did so entirely on his own and without any assurance from the Corps, Divisional or Brigade Commanders. I had given no such undertaking, as indeed I was in no position to do so. I did not have a brigade to concentrate, nor did I have any idea of what my order of battle was to be. I did not control the administrative machine required to support operations.
Gen. Sen’s statements, if true, are serious enough to warrant the closest study and could have been the fountain-head of many subsequent miscalculations -military and political. Who gave the firm figure of there being only 600 Chinese in the vicinity of the Dhola area? The area north of Dhola was dead ground and we did not know the strength of the Chinese Force. We could only do so if Government permitted tactical reconnaissance by aircraft, which was forbidden. Did he base his estimate on the latest message received from the Dhola Post Commander? The Commander was a Junior Commissioned Officer (JCO), and Army Commanders and Governments do not normally commit themselves irrevocably on the basis of such flimsy and uncorroborated information. Were the Intelligence Bureau and the Joint Intelligence Committee consulted? If so, what was their interpretation of the Chinese incursion? Did Gen. Sen have a guarantee that the Chinese would not, or could not, reinforce their troops in the Thagla area? Did he know that the Chinese ability to build up was infinitely greater than ours? Why was the Defence Committee of the Cabinet not summoned? Were the Chiefs of Staff consulted and alerted? Sovereign nations do not decide to “deal” with other sovereign nations in such a haphazard manner.
I have known Gen. Sen for some years and I can hardly believe that he would essay such a forthright opinion and commit himself and his country. He would surely have waited for a senior and responsible officer, of at least Lt.-Col. rank, to reach Dhola and send back a proper appreciation of the situation with all its military ramifications and repercussions. Decisions cannot be taken in Delhi by an ad hoc body, without a study of the military factors which shape national decisions. The meeting of 11th September could have been the source of many misplaced hopes and unfortunate postures.
What could Gen. Sen have meant by “the brigade”? The only Brigade within hundreds of miles was mine and it had only one battalion and no supporting arms. Could a decision on the threat and the quantum of troops required to deal with it not be postponed for a day or so till the Army Commander conferred with his subordinates? Had Sen waited he would have had a fuller picture of the immense
problem of mounting operations in the Namka Chu Valley area, even against 600 Chinese soldiers. Having committed himself he later found the Corps Commander’s “difficulties” unpalatable. War is not a mere question of disposing so many men against so many. Further, if he, as the Army Commander, had made a personal reconnaissance of this sensitive area in his command, he would have been better able to assess the situation.
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In the meantime 9 Punjab completed their concentration at Lumpu with remarkable speed, in heavy monsoon weather and over high altitudes.
The Assam Rifles, under Officer Commanding Lumla Wing, established contact with Dhola Post as ordered. This Wing was under my operational command and the task given to them was a proper and legitimate one, as they were the closest to the Namka Chu, they knew the area and had the best organised porter and guide system. Considerable bitterness and recrimination arose from the fact that the Assam Rifles were the first to make contact and not regular troops. The Inspector General of the Assam Rifles (IGAR) was reported to have set up his “tactical HQ” in or near Tezpur and was demanding direct reports from Lumpu. He appeared to be conducting his own private war. It is now possible to smile at the comedy that was being enacted then. When the Assam Rifles were being criticised for their slowness in reaching Dhola they were under 7 Brigade. Once they reached, they reverted to the Inspector General. The operation almost started with a confused and abrasive command and control set-up but fortunately was quickly put right when IGAR was told to keep off. In the abyss of recrimination and misunderstanding, the commendable effort of the Punjabis was forgotten, I exchanged some harsh words with my GOG on this issue. He later took up the matter with the Corps Commander to vindicate the professional honour of this fine Battalion.
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On 13th September I went to the helipad at 5.30 a.m., to fly to Lumpu in the helicopter which the GOC had provided. The chopper came, with the Commander Artillery of 4 Division, Brigadier (now Major-General) Kalyan Singh. Unfortunately it developed propeller trouble and the pilot refused to risk a flight with a VIP, to an untested helipad. I was flattered to be classified as a VIP but disappointed that I would not be able to meet Lt. Col Misra. The pilot promised to come back the next day with a better chopper. I rang up Divisional HQ, and informed them of the mishap and the postponement of my flight.
there was no task for the Commander Artillery in the forthcoming operations. He had also been made responsible for the administrative arrangements to, and forward of, Towang. Thus did someone higher up cover himself and pass on the responsibility for “defending” the Divisional vital ground. Now it could be claimed that Commander Artillery 4 Infantry Division was “in charge of Towang”. No one told him what he was in charge of; against what and with what.
Kalyan informed me that the Divisional Machine-Gun Battalion Commander had been placed in charge of the Line of Communication from the Foothills to Towang. I mention these points to highlight the fact that 4 Division never fought as a Division and thus did not sully' its international fame. It had only two brigades stretched over'300 miles, the third, earmarked for Bomdilla and Sela Pass, was in Nagaland. The Division had no depth, no reserves and was unbalanced. It was never able to deploy its fire-power or administrative cover. The troops in NEFA could more appropriately have been named “Border Guards”. Tins is the moment at which a resume of 4 Indian Division’s war record would be in order. I am indebted to Mr. F. Majdalany for this appreciation in his book, Cassino -
Portrait of a Battle.
“The 4th (Indian) Division reached Egypt shortly before the outbreak of the war and at once began intensive training in desert warfare. In 1940 it carried out, with the 7th (British) Armoured Division, that defeat of the Italian Armies which is a classic of the rout of the many by a few. The following year it brought off the notable victory in Keren, in Eritrea. In 1942 and 1943 it played an important part in the final Desert Victory. Since then it had been resting and retraining in Africa”.
In February 1944, 4 Division was moved from the Adriatic Front of Italy, to the Cassino front. “At that time”, says Majdalany, “it was considered to be one of the finest and greatest fighting divisions of the War. It was able to claim a long record of success dating back to the earliest days of the War. In Italy, they brought an almost arrogant conviction of invincibility born of their great victories in the Western desert. An aura of glamour invested this Division”.
It will always be a pity that the title of this great formation was given to the scattered troops, deployed on policing duty. The matchless, professional excellence of this formation was greatly admired by the Germans - no mean professionals themselves. It is said that General Von Arnim, Commander of the German Forces in Tunis in 1943, insisted on surrendering to the 4th. His caravan is today used by the GOC of 4 Division. No wonder the Chinese were aghast at the poor “performance” of this famous formation. It is ironic that the fame of this formation is more widely known and respected by foreigners than by the Indian people. Perhaps this is the price of segregating the Army from the public, except for the annual pat on the back during the debate on defence appropriations.
Mr. Chavan, while he was the Defence Minister, removed the slur on the prowess of 4 Division during his statement on the findings of the NEFA Enquiry, on 2nd September 1963. He told the Lok
Sabha, “Before I end, I would like to add a word about the famous ‘Fourth Division’, which took part in these operations. It is indeed sad that this famous division had to sacrifice its good name in these series of reverses. It is still sadder that this division during the actual operations was only ‘Fourth Division’ in name, for it was not fighting with its original formations intact. Troops from different formations had to be rushed to the borders to fight under the banner of ‘Fourth Division’ while the original formations of the division themselves were deployed elsewhere”.
Perhaps the most ironic fact of all is that 4th Division had been commanded by Generals Thapar, Sen and Kaul - the three Generals who led the Division to “these series of reverses”.
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The most astonishing arrangement was that I was to leave my staff in Towang to work under the Sector Commander to assist Kalyan in the arrangements for trooping. I was required to fight the Chinese single-handed and without the benefit of a staff. This was an unforgivable breach of military organisation and working procedures. These ad-hoc measures stemmed from our penchant for devising snap solutions to events that we never seem able to foresee. If we do anticipate them we get bogged down in a morass of financial considerations and other extraneous issues. At the last minute we created a sector at Towang, with a Commander Artillery in charge and gave him the staff of a Brigade Commander who was soon to be given the task of evicting the Chinese!
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Gen. Umrao and Gen. Prasad conferred with the Army Commander at Tezpur on 12th September. Gen. Sen relayed Government’s decision to expel the Chinese from our territory. This was the second slogan issued in three days.
Gen. Umrao Singh who had studied my appreciation and had heard the views of the Divisional Commander, confirmed our joint conclusions. He now informed Gen. Sen that the task of clearing the Chinese was beyond the capability of his troops in Kameng Frontier Division. Umrao said that, “Our ability to reinforce due to lack of troop and roads was limited. Our troops were on restricted scales of rations and had no reserves. Clothing was scanty for the extreme cold. We were short of ammunition and there were hardly any defence stores available. We did not have adequate fire support”. Gen. Umrao then warned Eastern Command “that an attempt on our part to clear the Chinese south of Thagla Ridge would amount to an act of rashness. To produce even a semblance of the resources required for this purpose he would have to completely uncover Towang and also withdraw troops from Nagaland. He pointed out that Towang was our vital ground and its fall into Chinese
hands would have more disastrous, consequences than the fall of Dhola”. These were sound, valid and cogent military reasons which presented a realistic appraisal of the military situation and which enjoined prudence on the Government.
Umrao’s representation to Sen amply testifies to the fact that he, Prasad and I had no illusions about the odds against engaging the Chinese at Dhola, as early as 12th September.
Gen. Umrao confirmed his views in a formal letter to HQ. Eastern Command. This letter is a vital document for future historians as it will reveal that the advice of those in direct touch with local events and conditions was turned down. It will turn the spotlight on the person or persons who ignored the military problems. and got 7 Brigade embroiled without the semblance of a chance to put up a worthwhile resistance.
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At about 5.30 on the evening of the 13th, I was briefing Brigadier Kalyan on the problems of defending Towang, when GOC 4 Division called me up on the wireless. Without any preamble he commenced to give me a sharp dressing down, and demanded to know why I had not gone “forward”. I was at a loss to comprehend this stricture as he knew about the helicopter mishap, and had also agreed that I should not be on the move at the same time as the CO of 9 Punjab, to maintain uninterrupted command and control. The General then peremptorily ordered me to move “at once” without waiting tor my explanation. His behaviour was so strange and out of character, that I suspected he was being goaded by someone. He seldom raised his voice and never at me. This was Kalyan’s opinion too. Later Gen. Prasad told me that the Army Commander was pressing him to order me “forward”. When the GOC ordered me to leave at once, I decided that someone had taken leave of his senses, so I pretended that I could not hear him and could not follow his orders due to heavy