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1

Marie-Claire Bergbre, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie", in Wright, ed., China in Revolution, p p . 250-53, Bergbre has elaborated her thesis in a full length monograph, L_a

Bourgeosie Chinoise et la Revolution de 1911 (La Haye, 1968). 2

Bergbre, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie", fn Wright, ed., China in Revolution, p.254.

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Thus neither the economic distress of the peasants and urban workers nor the grievances of the bourgeoisie

sufficiently created a revolutionary situation in Hupeh. However, the Communist historians are right when they say that the "national bourgeoisie" was the dynamic influence in the anti-government movement. There were merchants and

businessmen who were dissatisfied with the government's reform measures to promote the national economy, and wanted to advance the cause of a New China. This cause was being advocated by the new intellectuals, especially students, who responded positively to the challenge of the outside world, and played a leading role in shaping the revolutionary

mo ve me nt .

IV

The extent to which Chinese intellectuals reacted to foreign invasion was determined, among other things, by the spread of modern education. The more they learned about the outside world, the more conscious they were of the need for institutional change in their own society. Thus it is in this light that the high level of learning in Hupeh may be seen as an important factor in broadening the political outlook of its local intellectuals.

For centuries Chinese education had been strictly

classical, humanist and, at the same time, severely orthodox. The traditional scholar had been engaged in contemplation of Confucian precepts. Cultural pursuits had been circumscribed to the extreme by the classics from which came the written language so different in style from the vernacular language. All who aspired to exceptional scholarship had to steep

themselves in Confucian learning and to write in a highly elegant style. When China was opened to foreign trade in the nineteenth century, it was therefore difficult for the Chinese ruling class to adapt to the new situation created by the coming of the Westerners, who showed that there was much more to learn than the restricted scope of Chinese learning.

39

After China's defeat by Japan in 1895, progressive Chinese statesmen began to appreciate the value of Western technology and became aware of the need to acquire foreign learning for the purpose of strengthening the country. Chang Chih-tung was prominent among those who advocated educational reform to include the teaching of Western technology while at the same time maintaining the moral values of Confucianism. In his Ch'üan-hsüeh p'ien, he urged the founding of modern schools (hs U e h - 1 'ang) to replace the traditional provincial colleges (shu-yUan) and the opening of normal schools to provide qualified teachers. He also recommended sending

students abroad, especially to Japan, which appeared to be an ideal model for China not only because of its achievements, but also because of the fact that it continued to venerate

traditional values in spite of modernization. Other factors in favour of Japan were the similarity in political and

traditional institutions, the cheaper cost involved, the proximity to China, and the ease with which Chinese students could learn Japanese compared with Western languages.^

In July 1902 Chang Chih-tung and Liu K'un-i,^ Viceroy of Liang-kiang (Chekiang, Kiangsu and Anhwei), jointly presented a memorial in which they emphasized that China's only hope lay in modern education. They declaimed against the lack of men of talent, and urged the establishment of modern schools

1

C W H K , ch'üan-hsüeh p'ien, 2:6a-7b; also see Roger F. Hackett, "Chinese Students in Japan, 1900-1910", Papers on China, III (May 1949), 138-39. Hackett adds that no

passports were required for Chinese students to Japan, so they could avoid, as one Chinese put it, the "Barbarous procedure of the American Customs House people".

2

Liu K'un-i (1830-1902) was an eminent Ch'ing loyalist. He had assisted in quelling the Taiping rebels and bandit groups in Hunan, Kiangsi, Kwangsi and Kwangtung. He had been

viceroys of Liang-kuang and Liang-kiang, and was one of the progressive statesmen who called for educational reform. For his biography, see Arthur W. Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1664-1912) (Washington, 1943), I, 523-24.

40

and the sending of students abroad. They also outlined plans

for a new educational system.'*'

The memorial produced its desired effect and set the

tone for reform. An edict of August 29, 1901 abolished the

"eight-legged" essay and extended the scope of learning to the government and history of China, foreign affairs and

Western science. Another edict issued in October went a step

further, breaking with tradition by providing for a national

school system. Provincial colleges were to be transformed

into modern schools, middle schools to be set up in every province, and primary schools to be established in every

county. While the Confucian classics remained important, a

beginning was made in the teaching of Western technology and

world affairs. The educational system of 1901 remained in

force until 1904, when it was superseded by a more elaborate system governing the different levels of education from

2 kindergarten to graduate school.

Naturally Chang Chih-tung spent a great deal of time on

educational matters. He gave precedence to the training of

teachers and founded the first normal school in Wuchang in

1902. Thirty-one students of exceptional ability were sent

to Japan for training. The other schools he opened

subsequently fell into the following main categories: kindergartens, primary schools, ordinary middle schools, schools for higher education, language schools, schools for

medicine, agriculture and engineering. To these were added a

school for adult education and a special school for

provincial officials to learn Chinese and foreign politics

and other subjects relevant to administration. A department

of education was set up to control and supervise all 3

educational affairs.

1

CWHK, tsou-i, 5 2 : 9b - 2 9 a , KH 27:5 : 27 (July 12, 1901). 2

Meribeth E. Cameron, The Reform Movement m China (Stanford, 1931; reprint, New York, 1963), p p . 67-68 ff. 3

41

m

Wuchang was the intellectual as well as administrative centre, and it was there that Hupeh's best schools were founded. From 1902 to 1911 over twenty modern government schools and over ten private schools were established. Outside Wuchang there was a total of about 100 schools of different kinds, mainly run by the government.^ This sort of development was not without parallel to some degree in other provinces. What distinguished Hupeh from the others was Chang Chih-tung’s respect for the scholar and his constant

efforts to improve the quality of the schools and to promote other cultural activities. Indeed, the schools in Wuchang had won for the province a deservedly high reputation for quality, and attracted a good many students from other

provinces, especially Hunan. It may be noted that Chang was among those who were chosen to draft regulations for the 1904 educational system, and that when he was recalled to Peking in 1907 he was appointed Grand Secretary and put in charge of the Ministry of Education in recognition of his achievements

2