Recursos Didácticos

To understand the situation, it is important to look at the history of the connection between Islam and Western people. The history of the early relations between these two poles (Islam and the West) will give us a broader picture of the problems with Western perceptions of Islam and vice versa.

Orientalism began when Europe came into contact with Muslim culture in three areas. The first was through Spain, the second was Sicily and the third was the Crusades. To begin with Spain: Muslims occupied the territory of Spain for

85 _{David Philips, National President of Australian Festival of Light in his article, The truth}

about the Islamic Jihād ( Adelaide: Australian Festival of Light Resource Paper, S.A.5000, February, 2002 ) , 8-11, is one who portrays Islam as a religion using the term Jihād to bring the unbeliever to the submission to Allāh.

86 _{Roy R. Andersen et al., Politics and Change in the Middle East, Sources of Conflict}

and Accommodation ( New York: Prentice Hall, Simon & Schuster, Inc, 1987 ) , 35-39.

87 _{John L. Esposito, Unholy War, Terror in the Name of Islam (Britain: Oxford University}

about 800 years (711-1419). During that long period, Spain became the most developed country in Europe. Cities in Spain like Cordova and Toledo were the centers of learning and Sevilla was a centre of art and luxury. Christian and Jewish scholars brought Muslim learning from Spain to Western Europe. The Muslim civilization in Spain was the most significant of all the civilizations at that time.88

The second point of contact was Sicily. Sicily is an island located in the southern part of Italy. The island is separated from the mainland of Italy by the Messino strait. Sicily was an important Muslim kingdom for about two hundred years, after it was captured in 902 A.D. by an Abbasid army led by Muhammad Ibnu Aghlab. The kingdom endured until the defeat of Ibnu Abbad in 1091 A.D.89 _{Like the cities in Spain, Messino and Bari in Italy were centres of science} and culture.

88 _{Maxime Rodinson, Western Image and Western Studies of Islam, in Josep Schacht with}

C.E.Bosworth, (eds.), The Legacy of Islam, second edition ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974 ) , 9- 17. See also M.Lombard, L’Islam dans sa premiere grandeur, English translation The Golden Age of Islam by Joan Spencer (North Holland: Publishing Company, 1975) , 51-87. For the history of Islam in Spain, see W. Montgomery Watt and Pierre Cachia, A History of Islamic Spain (London: Edinburgh Press, 1992) . Anwar Chejne, Muslim Society its History and Culture (Minnesota: University of Minnesota, 1974) . Reinhart Dozy, Histoire des Musulmane d’Espagne, Spanish Islam, a History of Moslems in Spain, translated with a biographical introduction and additional notes by Francis Griffin Stokes (London: Frank Cass, 1972) , M.D.Abdu al-Ghani Hasan, Musa Ibn Nusair, Indonesian translation by Abdullah Suhaili ( Bandung: al-Ma’arif, 1980) .

89 _{Aziz Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily, (London: Edinburgh University Press, 1975) .}

See also, Hasan Ibrāhim Hasan, Tārīkh al-Daulah al-Fātimiyyah fī a-l Maghrib wa Misr wa Sūriya wa bilād al-Maghrib (Cairo: Matba’ah Lajnah wa al-ta’lif wa al-tarjamah wa al-nashr, 1958) , 97- 109. Philip K Hitti, A Short History of the Arabs (London: Princeton University Press, 1949) , 602- 614. Syed Ameer Ali, A Short History of the Saracen (New Delhi: Nusrat Ali Nasri for Kitab Bhavan 1214, Kalam Mahal, Daryaganj, 1988) , 581-616. al-Balādhūrī, Futūh al- Buldān, volume one (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nashr wa al-tab’ , no date) . Gustav Lebon, Hadlārāt al-Arab (Cairo, Isa al-Babi al-Halabi, Arabic translation by ‘Adil Zu’aytir, no date) , 302-304. Fauzi Sa’ad ‘Isā, al- Syi’ru al-‘Arabi fī Siqilliyati fi al Qarni al-Khāmis al-Hijri (Cairo: al-Hai’at al Misriyyah al ‘Âmmah li al-Kitāb, first edition, 1979) . Abdu al-Mun’īm Raslān, al- Hadlārāt al Islamiyyah fī

Siqilliyyah wa Janūbi Itāliā (Jeddah: al-Mamlakah al’Arabiyyah al-Su’ūdiyyah, no date) . Mahayuddin Hj. Yahya, Islam di Spanyol dan Sisilia ( Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan pustaka Kementrian Pendidikan Malaysia, 1990 ) , 159-178.

The third point of contact was the Crusades. It was through contact with Palestine and other Muslim countries that the crusaders came to know about Muslim civilizations. The grandeur of Muslim civilization amazed the Christian pilgrims who came to Muslim countries. They found that the Muslim community was living in peacefulness, brotherhood, justice and tolerance. The Muslim community was living under the rule of Islam, which protected them from being treated unjustly. Returning to their own countries, Christian pilgrims had become aware of their rights as human beings. The result was that they opposed the traditional dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church.90

The dynamism of the Muslim world in science91, philosophy and culture aroused their curiosity to learn more about the civilization of Islam. The first scholar who was interested in the study of Arabic science was Gerbert of Aurillac. Gerbert acquired a high reputation as a teacher and was especially competent in logic and Latin literature. In his early twenties, he spent three years in Catalonia from 967 to 970 A.D., and studied mathematics and astronomy under one of the bishops. He became Pope Sylvester II (999-1003). Gerbert was far ahead of his time. But clergymen were suspicious about Arabic ideas until the coming of Albertus Magnus and his pupil Thomas Aquinas, who integrated Arabic ideas - especially Ibnu Rushd’s ideas92 - with the Roman Catholic doctrine.93

90 _{Yusuf al-Wā’ī, Hadlārāt al Islamiyyah Muqaranatan bi-al-Hadlārat al-Gharbiyyah (}

Cairo:Dar al-Ma’arif, li al-Tibā’ wa al-Nashr wa al-Tauzī’, al-Tab’al ūla, 1988) , 452-455.

91 _{Further detailed about the dynamic of the Muslim world in science and technology, see}

Ahmad Y.Hasan and Donald R. Hill, Islamic Technology: An illustrated history, Indonesian translation by Yuliani Liputo ( Bandung: Mizan, 1993 ) .

92 _{To observe the ideas of Ibnu Rushd, especially on the relation between Philosopy and}

Religion, see Ibnu Rushd, Fasl al-Maqāl Fīmā Baina al-Hikmah wa al-Falsafah min al-ittisāl,

dirasat wa tahqiq by Muhammad ‘Imarah ( Cairo: Dar-al-Ma’arif, no date ) , 23-35. See also, Muhammad Yusuf Mūsa, Baina al-Din wa al-Falsafah fi Ra’yi Ibnu Rushd wa Falsafa ‘asri al

After the Christians conquered Toledo in 1085 A.D., many Muslims and Arabic-speaking Jews continued to live in Spain. Raymundo, Archbishop of Toledo from 1125 to 1151, realized that the situation in Spain presented a great opportunity; he encouraged scholars to come to Toledo. Hispano-Islamic culture had a strong and immediate influence upon Christian style. Nobles and churchmen built their houses in the Moorish manner and borrowed Hispano- Islamic motifs for their heraldry. They dressed in Arab fabrics and had Jewish and Muslim literature translated into Castilian and Latin. Alphonso X arranged for the translation of the Bible, Talmud and Qur’an into Castilian. The story of Mi’rāj or the ascent of the Propet to heaven was translated into Castilian and Latin, by means of which it may have become available to Dante.94 It was between 1120 and 1150 that the commentaries of Averroes on Aristotle and the works of Maimonides were rendered into Latin and quoted by St. Thomas Aquinas.95

European students were diligent in translating the works of Greek Philosophers and Muslim scholars into European languages. This period was known as the ‘Period of Translation’. Toledo was the centre of this activity. There was a group of translators who specialized in the translation of Arabic

on the Western thought see, Abu Zaid Shalabi, Tārīkh al-Hadlārāt al-Islamiyyah wa al-Fikr al- Islāmī (Cairo: Maktabat al-Wahbah, no date) , 341. Muhammad Qasim, al-Failasūf al-Muftarā

‘alaihi Ibnu Rushd ( Cairo: Maktabat al-Anjalu ‘Arabi, no date) , 39. Denys Hay, Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth century ( Hongkong: Commomwealth Printing Press, 1966) , 341.

93 _{George C. Anawati, Philosophy, Theology and Misticism in Josep Schacht with}

C.E.Bosworth, (eds.), The Legacy of Islam, second edition ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974 ) .

94 _{Michel Chodkiewicz, Ibnū Arabi dalam kesarjanaan Barat in Islamic studies in}

France: a first impression, Indonesian translation by Rahayu S. Hidayat, Hersti Setiwan and Lilian Tedjasudhana, ( Jakarta: INIS, 1993 ) , 2. See also, Abdu al-Rahman Badawi, Dawr al-Arab fī

Takwīn al-Fikr al-Urubi ( Bairut:Masurat, Dar al-adab, 1965 ) , 68.

95 _{Marshall G. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, vol. two. ( Chicago: The University of}

scientifīc works. An outstanding translator was Johannes Hispalensis of Spain who translated many books on astrology. He translated the work of al- Khawārizmī on mathematics into Latin. This was the Algoritmus de Numero Indorum which introduced the value of zero into Western mathematics. Zero - called sifr in Arabic - was translated from the Indian word Sunya meaning ‘nothing’. The word sifr was translated into Latin as cifra or cifrum, and then into English as ‘zero’.96

In Italy, Salerno and Naples were the main centres of translation. The most outstanding translators in Italy were Leonardo Pissano and Eugenius. It was only in Spain and in Sicily that Muslim civilization attained any great heights; but in these places it flourished, and its influence was then transmitted into France and Italy. The school of philosophy of Cordova and its great teacher Ibnu Rush or Averroes penetrated as far as the University of Paris. Arabic geographers and poets adorned Palermo under the Norman kings and their successor Frederic II. Salerno in Sicily was famous as a centre of medical studies in the tenth century. The Normans in Sicily patronized Arabic learning and adopted Islamic customs.97

This resulted in the emergence of Christian universities in the twelfth century, including the universities of Toledo, Bologna, Paris, Montpellier and Oxford. The first school of Oriental studies in Europe was founded in Toledo in 1250 A.D. At these universities students learned Arabic and Biblical Hebrew in

96 _{Maxime Rodinson, 20-62. See also Abdu al-Rahman Badawi, Mawsū’ah al-}

Mustasyriqīn, Indonesian translation by Amroeni Drajat ( Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2003 ) .

97 _{Carl Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples ( London: Routledge & Kegan Paul}

Limited, 1949 ) , 181-220. Further about the cultural heritage of Islam in Italy and the contact of Christian Europe with Islam, see also S.M. Stern, History and Culture in the Medieval Muslim World (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984, 177-207. Although this part discusses Abdu al-Rahman Badawī mostly on the Quarter dinar and the language, it is useful to understand how Christian Europe absorbed the art and culture of Islam that made Christian Europe are interested in Islam.

order to make them competent to undertake missionary work among Jews and Muslims. The greatest scholar from the Toledo School was Raymond Martin. These activities were known as ‘orientalism’.98

Nevertheless, orientalism was unpopular until the meeting of the Council of Viena in 1312 A.D. The Council decided to teach Arabic, Greek, and Hebrew at universities such as those of Paris, Oxford, Bologna and Avignon. Until the middle of the eighteenth century, most orientalists were clergymen.99

By the thirteenth century, there was a vigorous intellectual movement in Western Europe. It was by means of European curiousity and their dynamic spirit that they were able to assimilate all the Arabs had learned in science and philosophy. In the subsequent development of these ideas, they made more progress by discovering and inventing new scientifīc and philosophical theories and applications.

Some Western orientalists tend to have negative views of Islam and some tend to be fair. This study will give some examples of the negative views of Western scholars towards Islamic teachings. Since this study focuses on Jihād, the examples are all taken from discussions about the meaning and thrust of Jihād. Popular Western scholars of Islam whose views on Jihād emphasize it as meaning ‘holy war’ include the Rev A. Klein.100 In his book The Religion of Islam, he claims that Jihād means ‘war’, and that it is clearly commanded by the

98 _{Francesco Gabrieli, Islam and the Mediteranean World, in Josep Schacht with}

C.E.Bosworth (eds.), 97-100.

99 _{Edward Said, Orientalism, Western conception of the orient ( London: Penguin books,}

1995 ) , 73-166.

100 _{It is worth noting that Klein was one of the important orientalists to note whose work}

is very significant to mention in this thesis. As Klein’s writing about Jihād in Islam in particular and Islam in general are necessary to observe.

Qur’ān and the Prophet Muhammad. To substantiate this, Klein quotes the classic jurist Ibnu Abidīn’s view of Jihād as a ‘communal obligation’ - fardu Kifāyah - which becomes fardu ‘ain – ‘an individual obligation’ - if invaders enter a Muslim country and attack Muslim territory. Klein claims that the aim of Jihād is to eliminate all non-Muslim who do not accept Islam, and that Jihād is the duty of the whole nation.101

Klein’s claim reflects his ignorance of the comprehensive meaning of Jihād in Islam. The passage Klein cites to substantiate his interpretation actually refers to a specifīc context, in which Muslims are in a situation of war. For instance, the Prophet’s sayings about the rewards offered to those practising Jihād (in terms of waging war) were aimed at stimulating Muslims to wage Jihād under wartime conditions. Thus Ibnu Abidīn’s explanation of Jihād in terms of ‘waging war’ is in line with the opinions of Islamic jurists (Fuqahā). However, the jurists’ explanations set down in the books of Islamic jurisprudence (books on Fīqh) do not actually represent the meaning of the concept completely. Thus, the misunderstanding of the concept of Jihād in Islam actually rests on those who ‘understand’ it without being familiar with the whole concept; this cannot be separated from the social context.102

Another popular Western scholar who accuses Islam is Samuel M. Zwemwer.103 In his book, Islam: A Challenge to Faith, Zwemwer not only gives

101 _{The Rev.F.A.Klein, The Religion of Islam ( London-New York: Carzon Press,}

Humanity Press, 1971 ) , 173-178.

102 _{To see an example of the current Muslim scholar writing and explaining Jihād in}

terms of waging war, see Yusuf al Qaradhawi, al Muntaqa min Kitabi Targhib wa Tarhib lil Mundziri, vol. 1 ( Cairo: Dar al Tauzi’ wal an Nashr al Islamiyyah, 2001) , 353 – 390.

103 _{Zwemwer was the leading orientalist and a missionary whose work was very}

a negative interpretation of Jihād in terms of waging war; he also represents Islam as nothing more or less than Judaism, plus the apostleship of Muhammad. Thus, Islam is a ‘copy cat’; reproducing Jewish teachings.104 Further, Zwemwer claims that during a chaotic period in Arabia, Muhammad used the concept of Jihād (‘holy war’) to gain worldly power by forcing people to accept the new religion by threatening them: this was ‘conversion by the sword’.105 In relation to the spread of Islam in the Malay Archipelago, Zwemwer again said that the preachers of Islam in the Malay Archipelago used the sword to spread Islam.106

The writing of Zwemwer about Islam is very negative. His illustrations are not brilliant. In addition, he often does not give accurate footnotes for his quotations. Zwemwer’s select bibliography for reference and further study clearly shows the limitations of his analysis of Islam. Although some of the sources he uses give a negative representation of Islam, others give a positive one. The problem with the analysis lies with Zwemwer himself, not the references alone. Zwemwer does not make a deep analysis by comparing all the negative and positive views about Islam from rich and various resources - such as the original sources on the Prophet’s life in Arabic, as well as other Islamic references written by Muslims themselves, and by other European thinkers who have tried to be fair in their analyses. Zwemwer tends to use references that support his opinion.107

104 _{FRGS Samuel M.Zwemwer, Islam A Challenge to Faith ( New York: Student}

Volunter Movement for foreign missions, Second revised Edition, 1909 ) , 16-21.

105 _{Ibid., 25-50.}

106 _{Ibid., 76-81.For further detailed about the accusation leveled at Islam by Zwemwer,}

particularly in understanding the term Jihād as a tool to force people to embrace Islam and his provocative explanation to counter Islam with the spirit of Christianity, see 80-167.

107_{In order to see the poverty of references Zwemer uses, see the list of references of the}

book in the appendix. The list is quoted directly in this foot note in order that the readers will be able to consider the strength and the weakness of the work. In addition to that, most of the works

Actually not all the references he uses portray Islam negatively, especially in regard to Jihād in Islam. Perhaps Zwemwer’s interpretation of Jihād and Islam is colored by his own antipathy towards Islam. A recent work that has the same negative tone towards the understanding of Jihād is Robert Morey’s book The Islamic Invasion. Morey’s reckless accusation that Islam is a religion that provokes violence, encourages battle against those who are not Muslims and provokes its believers to use the sword to gain conversions, is not based on a wide or deep analysis.108

Further, when Morey tries to analyze the Hadīth (Prophetic traditions) on Jihād, it is clear that he only emphasizes a little portion of the wide meaning of Jihād in Islam. Although he quotes the Hadīth on Jihād, he selects only those verses which say it means ‘war’. His very negative view of Jihād in Islam is blatantly reflected in his shallow analysis on the problem of Jihād in Islam.109

In the case the media (news paper, televisions and magazines) in America, a glimpsed observation about Islam shows that there is a misunderstanding and misinterpretation and even a consistent distortion to potray Islam. American

Zwemer used are the works which tend to have very negative views on Islam, especially in the notion of Jihād. He does not use much original Arabic sources written by the prominent Muslim scholars like, al-Ghazali, Ibnu Rushd, Shafi’i, Hanafi, Hanbali ,Tabary, Mas’udi, Ibnu Khaldun, Ibnul Manzūr, Ibnu Sa’ad and many other to mentions. He did not use the sociological theory to observe the causes and effects to explain the reasons of the legislation of Jihād in Islam in terms of war. There is much weakness in his writing. His writing seems not to be based on the scientific