Resultados de las entrevistas a internos en el CIE de Aluche

In the early stages of my fieldwork I was invited to church with my participants. By attending their church services, I began to see how, by converting to Christianity, the family formed valuable social bonds that have assisted them in adopting New Zealand ‘ways of being’. Kamya (2009) highlights how exploring the relationship between religion and resettlement is one avenue

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in which social scientists can further their understanding of how acculturation and resettlement affect identity issues. Kamya (2009) maintains that religious participation provides a space for members to make sense of the acculturation process. Westermeyer and Uecker’s (1997) study of Christianity and Hmong refugees highlights how church services became an avenue for social networking in which resources and understandings were shared. Through the church, Hmong refugees were also able to form connections with the wider Minnesota society. This is also true of my participants, as the more involved with the church community they have become, the greater access they have gained to New Zealand society and New Zealand ways of being. Joining Christian youth groups, in particular, has provided the sisters with social connections to New Zealand born adolescents and assisted their experience of resettlement. Nairn, Higgins and Sligo (2012) researched the identity work of young New Zealanders. Focusing on young people born after 1984, their research focuses on young people who are of the same generation as my participants. They explore the impacts a neoliberal7 New Zealand has had on the identity work of adolescents. Their research highlights how, for young New Zealanders, crafting identity involves the enactment of various “meritocratic discourses of neoliberalism” (p. 174), they state:

“the enactment of identities is not solely within an individual’s control; it also depends on how identities are read by others, and by structural constraints that limit the possibilities of enactment… The groups for whom these constraints matter most – young Pacifica and

Māori, those excluded from school, young working class women and men – instead find themselves the subjects of deficit discourses that hold them responsible as individuals for the barriers that stand in their way” (Nairn et al, 2012, p. 174)

Their study has been particularly useful to this research as they offer an exploration of adolescent identity that is New Zealand specific. Nairn et al’s (2012) maintain that for young New Zealanders in minority groups the process of crafting identity is marked by social barriers. This means that young people who are members of minority ethnic groups have a limited repertoire of Western norms available to them. Consequently, their identity work must become more

7 _{Neoliberalism is a term used to explain an economic system based on global free trade, privatisation and}

deregulation. This can be problematic as social resources are sucked into the private sector. The neoliberal ideology places responsibility of health and wellbeing, economic, social and educational success on the individual instead of society at large.

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particular, as they draw from specific and carefully chosen discourses to enact subversive and resistant identities. Nairn et al’s (2012) research has been particularly useful, as the girls spoke openly about their struggles to perform Western femininity as non-white teenage girls. Zemke (2000) also explores the identity among of Pasifika youth in New Zealand. She exposes how popular American rap music has developed specific meanings within Pacific Island communities about black identity. Of the limited repertoire of Western norms available to Pacific Island youth, African American rap culture offers a way of being masculine and Western without being white. She highlights how these norms are often taken up by Pacific Island youth as a form of ethnic resistance. She states “in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap music...and discover that in Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture, and history” (p. 4).

Similarly, Zemke, Palmer and Masters (2010) research on Māori women’s experiences of sport leadership highlights the many strategies that Māori women develop for overcoming social and racialised barriers that stereotype them:

“It appears that the intersecting gendered and indigenous identities for Māori women, became a barrier when their credibility was questioned in Pakeha masculine contexts, and when the participants felt pressure to resort to cultural expectations as Māori women in the presence of older Māori males or in traditional Māori contexts...the impacts of these intersecting identities were most obvious to participants in these circumstances, but it seems that these Māori women were successful in their roles because they negotiated the conflict they experienced by utilising networking strategies, their reputation (especially in sport) and their ability to build relationships” (p. 341).

A range of research has been conducted on the experience of identity among Pasifika and Māori groups in New Zealand. What we have seen so far is that subversive resistance, and identity experimentation and strategy have emerged as ongoing trends which underpin the identities of minority New Zealanders. These studies illustrate how Western identity norms are a white domain.

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Discussion

One of the common themes occurring within the reviewed literature was the tendency for researchers to acknowledge that quantitative studies about refugees fail to focus on individual and gendered experiences. In addition to this, Lenette (2011); Harrell-Bond and Voutira (1992); and Terheggen, Strobe and Kleber (2001) highlight that the ‘refugee experience’ is often understood by academia and wider social institutions to be a linear process. In this sense they fail to allow for varieties of individual experience. Lenette (2011), Kumsa (2002), and Sayigh (2002) have each focused on women, and stress that the experiences of displacement and resettlement are indeed gendered. A range of factors, such as traditional and cultural gender roles, lack of education and opportunity, institutional sexism at a global level, and corruption and fear all silence the voices of refugee women. This means that refugee stories and experiences are often told from a male perspective. Lenette (2011), Kumsa (2001), and Sayigh (2002) all found that refugee women are regularly stereotyped as ‘passive victims’, yet their research illustrates the complex and multi-layered nature of refugee women’s experiences. I also found that my participants’ experiences regularly challenged these stereotypes. This suggests that listening to refugee women’s experiences, as told in their own voices, offers rich ethnographic insight into the gendered experience of being a refugee.

Similarly, literature that focused on refugee experiences of resettlement often describes a process of assimilation in which refugees were assumed to be passive victims of overwhelming Westernising forces. For instance, Mosselson’s (2009) and Oikonomidoy’s (2009) studies highlighted how Western school systems can be a site of ‘institutional normalising’ of refugee students. The literature indicates that students who struggle to speak English experience school as an isolating place. Oikonomidoy (2009) maintains that, for refugee students, school becomes a place of negotiation where students are institutionally encouraged to abandon cultural traditions and adopt Western ideology. Research in this field did not discuss how much of this negotiation was the student’s choice. Okionomidyo’s (2009) and Mosselson’s (2009) research often described students as ‘passive victims’ of acculturation processes that occur within Western school systems. Thus, it was assumed that the student did not willingly subscribe to Western structures. In many ways my participants actively adopted Western lifestyles, participating in Western fashion, music, and trends. This suggests that refugee women are not necessarily

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passive victims of assimilation; in chapter six I draw from Judith Butler’s theory of to show that my participants are not victims of assimilation. Instead, they are engaging in a performative process, as they willingly experiment with new gender norms that were not previously available to them.

Early on in my fieldwork I came to see that Facebook was particularly important to my participants. They spent much of their leisure time on Facebook interacting with others and viewing their friends’ profiles. During our conversations about their lives, they frequently referred to their activities on Facebook. Much of the research about Facebook traces and maps the social interaction that takes place among particular groups of Facebook users. I struggled to find research focused on the importance of Facebook for refugee youth. As we have seen from Miller’s (2011) work, Facebook is a culturally specific space, this means that different communities will use Facebook is differently. Zhao, Grasmuck and Martins’ (2008) study highlighted that Facebook is not only a space of social networking, but also a space of performativity, in which the user has primary control over what he or she reveals to their individual Facebook communities. Here, links can be made between the importance of achieving a sense of belonging for refugee youth, and the active participation of Bhutanese youth on Facebook. There is room for further research that focuses on how refugee youth utilise Facebook as a potential space for exploring identity and achieving a sense of belonging in their new countries.

One of the early difficulties in my fieldwork was that my participants did not seem to fit with any of the literature I was reading about refugees. They did not seem particularly traumatised and they were not passively assimilating with Western ways of being. It is important to note that they are also no longer classified as refugees8, although being a refugee is a part of their story this is a title they no longer identify with. Instead they actively choose to be Western: they perform Western norms in a forthright and confident way. The literature exploring identity and adolescents in New Zealand illustrates how young people belonging to ethnic minority groups have a smaller repertoire of Western norms available to them in their identity work. This

8 _{Refugees are given permanent residence on their arrival to New Zealand, after five years they may apply for New}

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suggests that being Western for non-white adolescents requires strategy and resistance against ethnic stereotypes. Consequently, I found this literature more easily applied to my participants’ experiences of resettlement in New Zealand. Research exploring the experiences of young refugees outside of the fields of education and health is minimal. Thus, further research regarding how young refugees navigate their identity in migrant communities and wider society and how they imagine their futures within their host country is required to further understand refugee experience. The qualitative studies explored in this literature review illustrate how the refugee experience is a multi-layered, dynamic, and complex process. Consequently, it is important to consider how life histories intertwine with the experience of growing up in a new country to make new ways of being possible, and how these ways of being influence and complicate the identity work of refugee youth.

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