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reconstruction.

For these reasons, then, a degree of repression was still necessary on the part of the dominant group. In the 1870s horse racing was banned in the suburbs and 150 local fairs were suppressed by Act of Parliament. Other activities managed to

continue and although brutal sports declined they were replaced by what became the working class sports of pigeon and dog racing and pedestrianism, sports preferred to the organised bourgeois alternatives. Pubs remained the centres of such activities and alcohol consumption reached a peak in the 1870s despite the efforts of reformers. Bourgeois hegemony was not achieved therefore over the working class in this period although, as Hargreaves points out,

the nature of popular culture and especially the centrality of popular sports therein, afforded dominant groups opportunities to exploit it for political purposes and new ways of harnessing sports to politics were developed during this period under the stimulus of pressure for political change, (pp.53-4)

The figure of John Bull had strong sporting connections derived from popular sports culture and "Beer and Britannia" was often more than a match for rational recreation. As Hargreaves explains,

appeals in terms of the national good, often mixed with chauvinism, became an increasingly important element in the emergent pattern of hegemony; and sporting imagery and symbolism played a certain part in this kind of appeal.

This was to play an increasingly important role in the period up to World War II.

In cricket, the third quarter of the 19th century saw the height of popularity of the professional touring XIs but by 1870 this was declining, due as much to internal squabbling as to any conscious attempt on the part of cricket's authorities to gain control over them (Brookes, 1978). Hargreaves might argue, however, that the growth in importance of regional identities during this period may have helped speed up the decline in favour of the county game and it is certainly true that the professionals did themselves few favours by their arguments as

they only served to confirm to those in control of the game that restrictive measures would be needed in the future to keep the professionals in their place. This is where, for Hargreaves, the public schools were of importance.

Cricket, unlike rugby, did not depend on the public schools for its continued existance, although, as Hargreaves acknowledges, its role as one of the games reconstituted under the public schools games ethic was to be of great significance for the game in the future, especially for the professionals. It was in the public schools that the bourgeois formulated 'amateur ethos' began to evolve, and which achieved its greatest influence in the following era, 1870 - 1945.

To summarise, therefore, both Dunning and Sheard and Hargreaves offer partial but not total explanations about the development of cricket up to 1870. The main problem with both theories is that they view the onset of 'industrialisation' as the 'prime mover' in the changes which occurred in society in the early 19th century and that it was out of these changes that the conditions arose which were conducive to the growth of modem sport. Neither writer is able to explain the fact that cricket was virtually a modem sport well before this process of

industrialisation began.

Of the two, Dunning and Sheard's theory appears slightly weaker as it concentrates on the role played by the public schools and disregards the fact that cricket was almost fully developed by 1830. They are unable to explain the early codification of the game or why it resisted the attacks on popular culture that they describe.

Dunning and Sheard also fail to acknowledge the fact that cricket, in the form of the professional XIs was able to flourish as a popular pastime outside the public school system at a time when such pastimes were undergoing a concerted

attack. They are correct, however, in ascribing such importance to the public schools as it was here that the process of embourgeoisification resulted in the formulation of the 'amateur ethic' which was to transform the nature of sport, especially cricket, in the period 1870 to 1945.

Although Dunning and Sheard do not attempt to analyse the controversy that took place surrounding and the eventual acceptance of round and over arm bowling, it is possible to explain these events with reference to embourgeoisement. Whereas in the past the aristocracy had been happy to play cricket alongside the lower class, the up and coming middle class bourgeoisie that emerged with the Industrial Revolution were less status secure. These people, represented in increasing numbers in the M.C.C., were reluctant to accept the new bowling techniques advocated by the professionals because, it could be argued, they were perceived as a challenge to the authority of M.C.C. and a threat to the dominant role of the upper class amateurs. These reactions in a way can be seen as a forerunner to the attitudes which would change the role of the professional even more in the years to come as the amateur ethic was evolved.

As far as the civilising process is concerned, if an increasingly elaborate code of rules is taken to be a sign of the influence of this process, then cricket during this period does seem to conform to Dunning and Sheard's theory. However, when the rules are considered in detail it becomes apparent that, with the acceptance of round arm and over arm bowling, cricket actually became more rather than less confrontational during this period and the author has found only one example of a rule that actually prohibited rough play (1788 prohibiting barging an opponent). This raises one of the major problems that arise when attempting to apply Dunning and Sheard's theory to cricket in that it is not easily applicable to a non-contact sport and other criteria may have to be defined in order to discover the affect of the civilising process on non-contact

sports. In the long run it may be necessary to conclude that the theory of the civilising process can only be effectively applied to contact sports such as rugby where the incidence of 'rough play' is easily measured.

Hargreaves' analysis of the ongoing struggle of various groups to control and maintain hegemony is couched in terms that make it more applicable to cricket's unusual timetable. The declining influence of Puritan control allowed a boom in pre-industrial popular culture which was exploited by the landed aristocracy who patronised cricket as a means of laying a wager. Even at this early stage though, hegemonic control was stressed by the aristocracy monopolising the more popular positions.

Hargreaves is also more able to explain the survival of the game in the face of the attacks on popular culture. The organised working class that emerged in the years 1790-1850 threatened the security of the new industrial capitalists who responded by withdrawing their patronage from working class pastimes including cricket (Brookes, 1978). At this stage however, Hargreaves argues that, although popular sports suffered, total hegemony was not achieved by the bourgeoisie and so some pastimes survived and , in the case of cricket, flourished. This helps explain the popularity of the professional touring XIs and also gives some insight into the reason why the M.C.C. were so opposed to new bowling techniques advocated by the professionals and their supporters. With the upper class divided over their support for these new techniques, the professionals were able to continue the game successfully, even when the aristocracy withdrew to their country estates. Hargreaves' analysis of the increasing bourgeois hegemony in the 1870s also has some relevance to the game as the upper classes were now beginning to unite behind the banner of the 'gentleman amateur' and in the following years were able, aided initially by the professional's internal disputes, to gain control over the game and subordinate the professional players into inferior positions.

Therefore, although they advocate different reasons for these changes, Dunning and Sheard and Hargreaves agree that by 1870 conditions were ripe for an era that was to totally change the face of sport, the era of the amateur ethic. Cricket was one of the best illustrations of these changes.

CHAPTER 3 CRICKET: 1870 - 1945

The year-s 1870 - 1945 were the era of amateur domination of sport in Britain, and of cricket in particular. This was constituted around the county game which achieved dominance in this period and replaced the professional touring XIs as the most popular game form. It was also the period when spectatorism became prominent especially for the working classes who, because of a rise in the standard of living and reduction of working hours, had both more time and money at their disposal (Clarke & Critcher, 1985, Cunningham, 1980). The interwar period, in particular, saw a growth in the expression of nationalism and regional identity around sport. This contributed to an increasingly professional attitude towards cricket, even on the part of the amateurs, and played a large part in the 'Bodyline' crisis, a crisis that is problematical because it is typical of the Post-War era. This will be considered in some detail. Five key developments? the county championship, professionalism, commercialism and spectatorism and internationalism, all emerged fully in cricket during this period and continued in a widening context in the Post-War period. Any theory on the development of sport during this period should include and , be able to explain these characteristics.

a) The County Championship

In 1873 eight county sides first competed for the title of 'county champion', although it was not until 1894 that the counties managed to formulate an effective policy concerning rules and qualifications necessary for the championship to become a success (Brookes, 1978). M.C.C., on the whole, preferred to sit back and let the counties resolve their own

qualification rules. There was friction between the strictly amateur M.C.C. and the more commercially minded counties, but they were still able to maintain control over the professionals. Brookes (1978) suggests that this was because of the ability of the aristocracy to draw from the energies of the middle class rather than alienating them. As well as the middle classes being admitted as members to M.C.C., the aristocracy were being elected as patrons of the counties which further offset the likelihood of trouble. Brookes (1978) identifies two series of events which had important roles to play in the fusing of the County Championship and M.C.C.

The first was the economic and agricultural depression that disturbed the structure and stability of the aristocracy during the 1870s and '80s. This coincided with the emergence of a middle class 'business aristocracy'. They owned and lived on great estates but they travelled to work and their main aim was the pursuit of profit. Together with aristocratic businessman they formed a new ruling coalition of which cricket was one of the major leisure activities. The number of these men who became members of the M.C.C. increased greatly between 1870 and 1900 and their influence had a decisive effect on the conduct of M.C.C. affairs. They brought, according to Brookes (1978),

a fresh vision and a new sense of purpose to its activities. Rather than closing their eyes to the County Championship and hoping it would disappear, the newcomers accepted the existence of the competition and sought instead to bring it within the club's jurisdiction, (p. 135)

The second process at work was the increasing criticism of the M.C.C., not only by the press and public, but by members themselves. Games set up in opposition to the county matches had failed badly and crowds had declined as top players left the M.C.C. to join the counties. Calls were made for a conciliation with the counties and the M.C.C. was criticised for its attitude

towards professionalism. In 1876 a new secretary began to increase the membership of the club by admitting the business aristocrats and in 1877 the M.C.C. allowed Middlesex to play some of its matches at Lord's. In 1894 the counties, faced by organisational problems, requested help from the M.C.C. It was then that the reconciliation was made. It was a lasting success, with the county championship going from strength to strength. By 1902 it had become "the foundation of first class cricket in England". Brookes (1978) argues that

The counties needed to find a way of rationalising the Championship. The M.C.C. had finally come to terms with the idea of cricket as a 'national' game and was seeking a way of unifying the administration of all facets of the game. The new partnership put the County Championship on a sound organisational footing and secured its economic viability for years to come. (p. 137)

fb^ Professionalism

One of the most important questions that arose out of the formation of the County Championship concerned the status of the professionals who had moved from the touring XIs to the county clubs (Sissons, 1988). Some sports like tennis, cycling and golf actively excluded the working class. Thus an important question arises about why the reaffirmation of control by the middle and upper classes that took place after the disbandment of the professional XIs did not cause a split similar in cricket to that of rugby. This might well have been expected, given the popularity of the Professional XIs and the rise in status of cricket to that of a national sport. Brookes (1978) attempts to answer this question by arguing that, in a period of mounting class tension, the middle classes did not consider it appropriate that sport, a symbol of Victorian excellence, should be the product of the working class. The bourgeoisie therefore, through county cricket, sought to reaffirm the authority of the

amateur over professionals, a process which in cricket the professionals were not strong enough to resist. How then was the amateur ethos constructed through the development of county cricket in the late 19th century, and how did it produce what Brookes (1978) describes as "one of the greatest double-acts in sporting history"?

The separation of the professionals and amateurs, however, was closely linked to the emergence of the County Championship as a spectator attraction. Many at Lord's were suspicious of the increasing number of working class players and spectators and

wished to avoid the kind of situation that had existed during the heyday of the professional XIs (Brookes, 1978). At a time when the labour force of England was first beginning to mount a challenge to traditional authority, inter class relationships were often openly hostile. In most spheres of life benevolent paternalism was replaced by more rigid and formal sanctions that reinforced class differences (Cunningham, 1980). It was considered unthinkable that county professionals should be able to command the popularity that had been showered upon the professional XIs in the past. Brookes (1978) argues that

the redefinition of the professional's role... had to embrace a return to something akin to the master-servant role of the eighteenth century whilst at the same time paying lip service to the demands of a free labour market and democracy. Once desirability of a return to the pre 1846 status quo had been established, it was but a short step to argue that it was the amateur who, as captain, was the best equipped to look after the interests of the game itself, (p. 140)

Social standing and superiority replaced moral uprightness as the best attributes for an amateur captain. The separation of the amateurs and professionals was achieved by creating two roles, one reaffirming the rights and privileges of the gentleman, the other defining the duties and obligations of the artisan. In this way cricket could be 'popular' without losing

separate dressing rooms, dining rooms and gates out onto the field. Names were printed differently on scorecards and the professionals had to fulfil menial non-playing tasks around the ground. They were not considered suitable candidates for captaincy because of the pressure they were under to make a living from the game (Brookes, 1978, Dunning & Sheard, 1979, Hargreaves, 1986, Lewis, 1987).

County cricket continued to consolidate its successes, however. By the outbreak of World War I, the championship and professionals had been more or less accepted. For professionals, despite this complete turnabout in their status, employment could at least be guaranteed (Sissons, 1988, Down, 1985). With the exception of an uprising by the Nottinghamshire players in 1881 demanding a contract of employment, professionals continued to put up with their poor working conditions and rates of pay for nearly seventy years. From the professional's point of view, there were some compensations. Brookes (1978) argues that

his role in the game was now accepted, if not exactly welcomed, by most cricket lovers. This meant that the viability of a cricket career was finally established, and by this time jobs were more numerous and easy to discover, (p. 118)

They gradually came to be seen as men who played merely for the love of the game and while this may not have helped them support a family, it was welcomed as it meant an end to the endless suspicions and mistrust they had received since the 1860s. The separation of the amateurs and professionals continued, more or less unchanged, until the 1960s, with little complaint from the professionals even during the inter-war years when some cricketers actually took a drop in wages (Down, 1985). The diagram below, from Down (1985), showing a long-term view of professional cricketers' salaries, illustrates this.

F ig . 2 £ Per Annum 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 Year 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 Down (1985) p.48

Brookes (1978) quotes Jack Hobbs (1935) who was under no illusion about the difficulties facing a professional character. He writes

There is no royal road to success in cricket. It is a rough, hard road and only a few can win through... Cricket is too precarious. It is alright if you can rise to the top and get the plums. Otherwise it is a bare living for a few years, with nothing at the end. (p. 153)

Few players expressed these grievances whilst playing. Most were content to have the chance of achieving recognition in what was becoming an increasingly prestigious career.

The twenty years before the First World War became known as the 'Golden Years' of cricket. W.G. Grace became, according to