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between EÆciency and Stability



Ori Haimanko y

Michel Le Breton z

Shlomo Weber x

August 2001

Abstract

We consider a political economy model of country whose citizens have heteroge-

neous preferences for a national policy and some regions may contemplate a threat

of secession. The country is eÆcient if it's break-up into smaller countries leads to

aggregateutilityloss. WeshowthatinaneÆcient countrywhosecitizens'preferences

exhibitahighdegreeofpolarization,athreatofsecessioncannotbeeliminatedwithout

inter-regionaltransfers. Wealso demonstrate that,ifmajorityvoting isusedtodeter-

minetheredistributionschemeswithinthecountry,thena highdegreeofpolarization

yieldsthefull compensation scheme astheuniquepoliticalequilibrium.

Key Words : Transfers,Polarization,Secession,EÆciency,Stability,PoliticalEquilibrium.

JEL Classi cation Numbers: H20,D70, D73.

Please send the correspondence to Shlomo Weber, Department of Economics, Southern

Methodist University, DallasTX 75275-0496, USA,e-mail: [email protected]



We are grateful to Francis Bloch, Jacques Dreze, Joan Esteban, Jean Gabszewicz, Peter Ordeshook,

JoeOstroy, DebrajRay,SuzanneScotchmer,Jacques Thisse,andparticipantsof theseminarsat Berkeley,

Caltech,CORE,QueenMaryandWest eldCollege,Stanford,UCIrvine,UCRiverside,UCLA,University

ofLeuvenandtheSummerSchoolonPolarizationandCon ictinSanSebastianfortheirvaluablecomments

andsuggestions. WealsothankJoeTharakanforhis generousresearchassistance.

y

CORE,CatholicUniversityofLouvain,Belgium.

z

UniversitedelaMediterannee,Marseille,France.

x

DepartmentofEconomics,SouthernMethodistUniversity,Dallas,U.S.A.andCORE,CatholicUniver-

sityofLouvain,Belgium.

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Publicpolicieschosenthroughpoliticalprocesstendtogenerateunequalbene tstodi er-

entgroupsofindividualsacrosscountry. Often,however,thevarianceofbene tsismitigated

bydi erential treatmentofthe citizensbythe centralauthority. When aregionoranethnic

group isviewedas severely disadvantaged, it may receive nancial supportfrom the rest of

the country. Indeed, many federal countries have explicit transfers schemes to assist their

poorer regions, and even unitary countries employ this type of \solidarity mechanism" to

tackle imbalances across regions.

1

The European Union also employs a variety of transfer

mechanismsthatchannelcontributionsfromonegroupofmemberstoanother.

2

Whilepoliti-

cians may often invoke the solidarity argument in order to reduce the disparity of regional

nancial resources across the country, in many cases the preferential status and treatment

are granted tospeci c groups ofcitizens asa response ofthe central authority to(actualor

perceived) secession tensionsin dissatis ed regions.

Asecessionsentimentcan bedrivenbyvariousreasonsrelatedtodissatisfactionwiththe

national policy,including con ictingviewsoverminority rights,promotionand preservation

of distinctive local culture and language, disagreement over the redistributive tax policies.

Forinstance, inthelast case,well-o regionsthatare designatedastaxdonorsmaycontem-

plate athreat of secession if theyconsider the nancial \solidarity burden" tobe excessive.

On the other hand, a less prosperous region may feel \disenfranchised" if the subsidies it

receivesfailfar shortfrom theregion's needsand expectations. In allofthe above casesthe

secession tendencies are generated by heterogeneity of citizens' preferences for the optimal

policy: the national choice can be very far from alternatives preferred by certain regions.

Sinceasecedingregionhas toincursubstantial percapitacostsoflayingfoundationsforthe

new country and running its administration, the breakaway tendencies are, to some extent,

countered by the economies of scale generated by being a united political entity. However,

even when economic eÆciency unambiguously favors unity, the existence of compensation

mechanismsseems toindicate that the unity cannot always be sustained without transfers.

1

The examplesinclude Russia, China, France, Italy, Belgium, Germany, Canada, Australia and many

othercountries. SeeTer-Minassian(1997),AhmadandCraig(1997)andthecountry-speci cchaptersinthe

(3)

policiesas secession-preventing instruments,andthe distributionof citizens'characteristics,

i.e., their heterogeneous preferences for the public policy. It turns out that the key deter-

minant of whether transfers should be introduced is given by the degree of polarization of

citizens' preferences.

3

Polarization is a form of division in a country, which consists of a

number of groups of citizens who are in sharp disagreement with each other and with the

central government. It is also recognized that \the phenomenon of polarization is closely

linked to the generation of tensions, to the possibilities of articulated rebellion and revolt"

(Esteban and Ray (1994)). Since these tensions may trigger or exacerbate separatist ac-

tivities, countering secession tendencies in polarized societies raises a diÆcult challenge for

centralauthoritiesthere. Butisit,infact,thecasethatthischallengecannotbemetwithout

transfers? And if so, are transfer policies capable of preventing a threat of secession? Our

papergives anaÆrmativeanswertoboth questions. Weconsider apolarized country \that

isdividedintogroupswithsubstantial intra-grouphomogeneityand inter-groupheterogene-

ity" (Estebanand Ray (1994)). We thenshow thatthere isacritical degreeof polarization,

above which a break-up of a country, that should stay united on pure economic eÆciency

grounds, cannot be prevented without transfers, but can be avoided using them. Thus, an

appropriatetransfermechanismcanbeconsidered asapolicyinstrumenttoresolvetensions

and con ictswithin the country.

To describe our results we introduce two major concepts, eÆciency and stability of a

country. ThecountryiseÆcientif,regardlessofheterogeneityofcitizens'preferencesoverthe

policy,theaggregatebene tsofunityaremoresigni cantthanthediversityofopinionsabout

the policy. The eÆciency isequivalent tothe condition that any break-up of the country is

Pareto inferior to the current organization in a single country. However, a crucial question

remains of whether eÆciency suÆces to guarantee stability, i.e., to prevent emergence of

regions prone to secession. To address this issue, assume, rst, that no government (of

existing or new country) makes use of transfer policies and the public decision-making is

reduced to the choice of policy determined by majority voting. A region can secede when

all its citizens favor secession; there is a unanimity requirement but no approval from the

3

The particular measure of polarization that we employ is due to Alesina, Baqir and Easterly (1999).

Thisindexquanti esthe\mediandeviation"fromthepreferencesofthemedian citizen.

(4)

rest ofthe country isneeded. The country willbe calledlaissezfaire stable,if publicpolicy

determinedthrough themechanismofmajorityvotingisimmuneagainstanypossiblethreat

of secession.

The rst question raised in this paperis when eÆcientnations are (laissezfaire) stable.

If any eÆcient nation is stable, there is a strong argument against transfers as a necessary

instrumenttosustaineÆciency. On the otherhand,one shouldseriously contemplateintro-

ductionof transfers schemes if an eÆcient country fails the stability test. Our result shows

that ifthe degree ofpolarizationof citizens'preferencesis suÆcientlylow,eÆciencyimplies

stability. This assertion is consistent with the conclusion of Alesina and Spolaore (1997)

derived in the case of uniform distribution of citizens' preferences as, indeed, the uniform

distribution exhibits alow degree of polarization withinthe society. Our next result states,

however, that if the degree of polarization is high enough, then the eÆciency and stability

are not reconciled and there are eÆcient countries that are not stable. This demonstrates

thatlaissez faireapproachfailstopreventsecessionsinsuÆcientlypolarizedcases. Thus,in

order to eliminate the gap between eÆciency and stability, one should carefully re-examine

the issue of transfers.

5

Wealso examinea scenariowhere decisionsboth onthe national policyand ontransfers

are equilibrium outcomes of a political process. Following Alesina and Spolaore (1997), we

assumethatifagroupofcitizensformsitsowncountry,boththepolicyandthecompensation

scheme are decidedthrough majority voting. We introduce the conceptof politicalstability

to deal with this new situation: in the country, or in any region contemplating secession,

theequilibrium compensationschemecan bedi erentfromlaissez faireallocation. Weshow

that, if the degree of polarization is suÆciently low, then the laissez faire allocation with

no transfers emerges as the only outcome of the political process. This is again in line

withthe Alesina andSpolaore (1997)resultsderivedinthe caseof the uniformdistribution.

However, if the degree of polarization is suÆciently high, even the full compensation, that

4

There isa variety ofconstitutional rulesof secessions. For example,even ifthe majority ofCorsicans

voted in favor of secession from France, the secession would not take place without France approving it

viaIt's national referendum. Also inCanada, the federal government would have to playa majorrole in

approvingavoteforasecessioninQuebec. Foratheoreticalanalysisoftheconstitutionalrulesofsecession,

seeAlesinaandSpolaore(1997),BordignonandBrusco(1999),Dreze(1993),JehielandScotchmer(1997).

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We also demonstrate that a gap between eÆciency and stability may still exists under the

modi ednotionofstability. Inparticular,weshowthat,underahighdegreeofpolarization,

an eÆcient country can be politically unstable. However, political stability can always be

restoredvia anappropriate transfer scheme.

WenowturntothediscussiononRelatedLiterature 6

. Theframeworkusedhereisthat

ofAlesinaand Spolaore(1997). Similartypesof modelsarealso employedinCasella(1992),

Casella and Feinstein (1990), Dagan and Volij (2000), Feinstein (1992), Perroni and Scharf

(1999), Wei (1991), Le Breton and Weber (2000), Alesina, Spolaore and Wacziarg (2000),

that focus on heterogeneity of citizens' preferences. They utilize (implicitly or explicitly)

the Hotelling location model in order to represent the heterogeneity of preferences among

voters overthe provision of public goods. Cremer,De Kerchove,and Thisse (1985)develop

amodelthatexaminesthe numberandlocationofpublicfacilities. Thereisalso aliterature

including Guesnerie and Oddou (1981), (1986), Greenberg and Weber (1986), Weber and

Zamir(1986),Jehieland Scothcmer(1997),Wooders(1978)rootedinthe Tiebout tradition,

where the heterogeneity of preferences among individuals and the impossibility of lump

sum nancing of public group provision lead to the formation of several jurisdictions. The

main focus of these papers is the existence and the characterization of stable partitions of

the individuals into jurisdictions, where equilibrium and stability notions capture various

scenariosconcerning themobility ofindividuals acrossjurisdictionsand thedecision-making

processtodetermine the level of the publicgoodprovision.

Another relatedgroupof papersfocusesprimarily onthe heterogeneity inincomerather

than individuals' preferences. The rst contribution to this line of research has been made

by Buchanan and Faith (1987) who explore the limits that the threat of secession puts on

the tax burden imposed by the majority (which can consist of rich or poor citizens). This

question is the subject of Bolton and Roland (1997), who develop a model of a two-region

nation with di erent gross income distributions. Their main focus is on the way that the

threatofsecessiondeterminesthe choiceofapurelydistributivetaxationrate. Theyassume

that if secessiontakes place,allgross incomesare de ated by acommonfactor. Bolton and

Rolandshowthat scal accommodationinthe unionreducesthe likelihoodof secession,but

6

For surveyofsomeofthisliteratureseeBolton,RolandandSpolaore(1996)andYoung(1998).

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accommodationmay surprisingly lead tohigher taxes. As argued by Persson and Tabellini

(1999), the identi cation of the equilibrium secession-proof tax rate is not straightforward

due tothe factthat individual preferencesare not necessarilysingle-peaked.

The paper is organized as follows. In the next section we present the model and some

preliminary concepts. In Section 3, we introduce the conceptsof eÆciency and laissez faire

stability. In Section 4, we introduce the class of the distribution functions for which the

bounds for eÆciency and stability are derived. In Section 5, we introduce the state our

resultconcerningthe linkbetween degreeofpolarization andthe gapbetween eÆciencyand

laissez faire stability. Finally, in Section 6 we examine the issue of voting on transfers and

examine the impact of polarization on the outcome of the political process. The proof of

most of the results are relegated to the Appendix.

2 The Model

WeconsideranationwhosecitizenshavepreferencesoveraunidimensionalpolicyspaceI,

givenbytheintervalI =[0;1]. WeadoptaspatialinterpretationofI,whereapolicychoiceis

representedbythelocationofthegovernment. However,onemayconsideralternativepolicy

issues, suchastax rates, composition ofpublic spending,policies towards ethnic minorities,

etc. Eachcitizen's preferencesare single-peakedand weidentify eachcitizen with her ideal

pointinI. Thedistribution ofallidealpointsis givenby acumulativedistributionfunction

F, de ned over the space I. For the most part, we assume that the distribution gives rise

to piecewise continuous density function f. We denote by (S) = R

S

f(t)dt the induced

measureon subsetsS of I. The total mass of I is equalto1, i.e., (I)=1.

The nation is organized either in one uni ed country, represented by the entire interval

I, or it can be partitioned into several smaller countries S

1

;S

2

;:::;S

K

. We do not impose

restrictions on country formation, and, in principle, every group of individuals S can form

a country. Only for simplicity we require that each country consists of a union of a nite

number of intervalswith a positive mass.

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of the government:

d(t;p)=jt pj:

EachcountryS has tocoverthe cost ofpublicgoodsG(S)whichwesimply callgovernment

cost. We assume that the function G(S) isgivenby:

G(S)=g+ (S);

whereg ispositiveand isa nonnegativenumber. Naturally,g representsthe xedcompo-

nentof the government cost, whereas (S) is a variable component, which is proportional

tothe country population size.

Thus,the \aggregate"cost of country S isG(S)+D(S), where

D(S)=min

p2I Z

S

d(t;p)f(t)dt

isthetransportationcostofthecitizensofS :Itiseasytoverifythatthetotaltransportation

cost in the region S is minimized when the government selects its median location m that

satis es:

Z

S T

[0;m]

f(t)dt = Z

S T

[m;1]

f(t)dt:

That is, if M(S) is the set of median locations of country S, then for every m 2 M(S) we

have

D(S)= Z

S

d(t;m)f(t)dt:

Sincethetransportationcostincurredbyacitizenisrepresentedbythedistancebetween

her location and the policychosen by the country towhich she belongs, it again pointsout

to the con ict between heterogeneity and increasing returns to size. On the one hand, a

largercountrywouldrequire a smallerpercapita contributiontowards the xedcomponent

ofthegovernmentcostsg. Onthe otherhand,alargerandmoreheterogeneouscountrymay

facea larger mass of dissatis ed citizens residingfar away fromthe capital.

We now introduce the notion of a cost allocation, that determines the monetary contri-

butionof each individual t towards the cost of government:

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anS-cost allocationif itsatis es the budget constraint:

Z

S

x(t)f(t)dt=G(S):

The I-cost allocationswill simply be referred ascost allocations.

Thereisalargedomainofcostallocationsthatprovideadi erentdegreeofcostburdenon

thecitizensofthe country. Forour discussionbelow,however,thespecial rolewillbeplayed

bythelaissez-faireallocationthatprovidesnocompensationfromonecitizentoanotherand

simply divides the total government cost equallyamong allcitizensof the country. That is,

De nition 2.2: The S-cost allocation x



S

, de ned by x



S (t) =

G(S)

(S)

for all t 2 S, is called

the laissez faire S-allocation. Obviously, the laissez faire I-allocation, or simply, the

laissez faireallocation x



is givenby x



(t)=G(I) forall t2I.

We assume throughoutthe paper that the variablecomponentof government costs is

equal to zero, i.e., G(S) = g for each country S. This speci cation, made for notational

simplicity,does not a ectany of our results orproofs.

3 EÆciency and Laissez Faire Stability

The main purpose of this section is to introduce the concept of eÆciency and stability.

The problemof eÆciency reducesto the following twoquestions:

-should the nation stay united orbe divided into several smaller countries,

-where the governmentsshould be located.

Our discussion in the previous section provides a simple answer to the choice of the

governments' locations: if a country S is formed, then its government should be located at

one of itsmedians,and sothe country incursD(S) intransportationcosts. To examinethe

question whether the country should be united, we introduce the following condition that

formallyde nes, when, fromthe perspective of a social planner, itis ineÆcientto break up

the existing countryI intoseveral smallercountries.

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De nition 3.1: The country I is eÆcient if for every partition P = (S

1

;:::;S

K

) of I we

have:

D(I)+g  K

X

k=1 [D(S

k )+g]:

The followingresult is straightforward:

Proposition 3.2: There is a cut-o value of government costs g e

such that the country I

iseÆcientif and only if g g e

.

Thisresult isquiteintuitive: tojustify thesuperiorityofthe countryI onpureeÆciency

grounds, it has to be the case that the advantages of economies of scale are suÆcient to

compensate for the heterogeneity of preferences across citizens. Thus, high government

costs would makeit ineÆcient tobreak up a unitedcountry.

The nextresult formulates the Minimal Division Principleand isimportantfor analysis

ofeÆciencyof theexistingcountry. Thisprinciple assertsthat,regardlessof any assumption

on the distribution function F, the test of eÆciency of country I has to be veri ed only

against its break-up into two connected countries. That is, if country I is ineÆcient, then

thereexists apoint t2I suchthat the break-up ofI into [0;t] and [t;1]woulddecreasethe

total cost inthe country I, i.e.,

D(I)+g >D([0;t])+g+D([t;1])+g;

or

g <D(I) (D([0;t])+D([t;1])): (1)

Thus,we have

Proposition 3.3 - Minimal Division Principle: The cut-o value of government costs

g e

is given by

g e

=Sup

t2I

fD(I) D([0;t]) D([t;1])g:

We now turn to the issue of stability. We assume that decisions on location of the

governmentand the mechanismof nancing itscost result fromdemocraticprocessand are

7

The partition covers the whole country I and no citizen belongs to more than one country, except,

possibly,thosewhoarelocatedattheendpointsoftheintervalsinpartition. Sincethesecitizensrepresent

azeromass,wewillignoretheissueoftheir\double"citizenship.

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is situated at the location of its median citizen. Following Alesina and Spolaore (1997),

we assume at this point that the cost allocation chosen by the government provides no

compensation to any group of citizens. This is precisely the laissez faire cost allocation,

according to which the burdenof the government cost is shared equally across the country

and eachcitizen in country S pays atax equalto G(S)

(S) .

Sincethefocusofthissectionislaissezfaireallocations,thenotionofstabilityweexamine

here is that of laissez faire stability. The country would be stable in this regard if there is

noregion 8

S whose laissez faire allocation would be more bene cial for all its citizens than

the laissez faire allocation in the united country I. The country I is laissezfaire stable if it

isimmune against any threat of secession.

9

De nition 3.4: The regionS isproneto secessionif thereexistsamedianm2M(S)such

that:

d(t;m(I))+g >d(t;m)+ g

(S)

for all t2S : (2)

The country I islaissez faire stableif there isnoregion S prone tosecession. That is,

there exists a medianm(I)2M(I) such that for every S and every m 2M(S) there

ist 2S such that

d(t;m(I))+g d(t;m)+ g

(S) :

The propositionbelowstatesthat acountryisstableif andonlyifeconomies ofscaleare

large enough:

Proposition 3.5: There is acut-o value of government costs g s

lf

such that the country is

laissez fairestable if and only if g g s

lf .

The next section is devoted to the calculation of the cut-o values g e

and g s

lf

for the

bounds oneÆciency and laissez fairestability derivedin this section.

8

AsubsetS ofI isa \region"that becomesa countryafterthesecessiontakesplace. Also,inorderfor

aregionS to secede,werequiretheunanimousapprovalofitsmembers butnottheapprovaloftherest of

thecountry.

9

Thisde nitionofstabilityis givenbyruleCinAlesinaandSpolaore(1997).

(11)

TodeterminetherangeofgovernmentcoststhatensureeÆciencyandlaissezfairestability

we will rst identify the domain of cumulative distribution functions to be used in our

analysis. First,werequire

SY - Symmetry: The density function f is symmetric with respect to the center, i.e.,

f(t)=f(1 t) for allt2 I.

This assumption is quite standard. It implies that the geographical center 1

2

of the

country is also the median location inI.

To introduce the second assumption, we need some additional notation. Foreach t 2I,

let L

t

and R

t

be the sets of citizens to the left and right of the point t, respectively, i.e.,

L

t

=[0;t]andR

t

=[t;1]. ForthesetsL

t andR

t

denotebyL(t)andR(t)theirrespectivesets

of median locations. We assume hereafter that they admit nondecreasing and continuous

selections which are di erentiable except possibly in a nite number of points. In what

follows, these selections will be denoted respectively l and r and by their derivatives by l 0

and r 0

. It is useful to mention that the symmetry of the distribution guarantees that for

every selectionl of L there existss a selection 10

r of R suchthat forevery t2I

r(t)+l(1 t)=1: (3)

For simplicity we assume that the set L(1) consists of a single point. Therefore for any

selections l and r,we will also have: l(0)=0,l(1) = 1

2

,r(0)= 1

2

and r(1)=1. Weassume:

GEM - Gradually Escalating Median: Thereexistsaselectionlsuchthat l 0

(t)1on

the interval [0;1].

We denote by F the setof distribution functions satisfying SY and GEM.

Assumption GEM implies that if we increase the length of the interval L

t

= [0;t] by a

small positivenumberÆ, then the medianof the intervalL

t+Æ

=[0;t+Æ] movestothe right

10

Note that if we assume f to be positive everywhere, then the correspondences L and R are, in fact,

functions and therefore the onlypossibleselections. Theyare di erentiable everywhere iff is continuous

everywhere.

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of R, givenby (3), satis es also r 0

(t)1.

The class of distribution functions satisfying GEM contains the family of log-concave

functions. That class,inturn, includes \truncated"version ofalarge numberofwell-known

distributions, such as the uniform, the normal and the exponential, among many others 11

.

There are, in addition, distributions functions that are not log-concave but nevertheless

satisfy the GEM assumption,in particular, some classesof bimodal distributions 12

.

We now turn to derivations of the threshold values g e

and g s

lf

de ned in the preceding

section.

Proposition 4.1: Ifthe distributionF belongs to the class F,then

(i) g e

= 1

2 4

Z 1

2

l(

1

2 )

tf(t)dt;

and 13

(ii) g s

lf

=Sup

0s<t

1

2

F(t) F(s)

1 F(t)+F(s) (

1

2

2t+m(s;t));

wherem(s;t) denotesthe rightmost median of the interval[s;t].

The reason for computational complexity of the last formula is that, since a threat of

secessionshould becountered forallintervals [s;t],the supremum istakenovertwoparam-

eters, s and t. If, however, the threat of secession is limited to the most distant regions

(intervals [0;t]), the formula for g s

lf

can be substantially simpli ed. Formally, we say that

the property of signi cance of distant regions - (SDR) is satis edif for any region S,which

is prone to secession, the most distant region containing the same mass of citizens (S) is

also prone tosecession. If SDR holds, the supremum in expression (ii) of Proposition 4.1is

attained whens isequaltozero. Aclose inspectionofthe expression forg s

lf

also showsthat

the range of parameter t can be narrowed to [0;t



], where t



<

1

2

is the unique solution of

the equation 1

2

2t+l(t) =0,and so individuals close tothe centerwill never be involved

insecessions. Thus,

g s

lf

=Sup

0tt



F(t)

1 F(t) (

1

2

2t+l(t)):

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in the Appendix demonstrates,a majorthreat of secessionmay emergefrom regions inthe

center rather than from those on the margins, contrary to the SDR property. To conclude

the section, we provide a suÆcient condition on distribution functions to satisfy the SDR

property:

14

Proposition 4.2: SDRholdsforanysymmetricdistributionfunctionwhosepositivedensity

f satis es f(t)2f(m(s;t)) forall s;t with 0st 1

2 .

5 Polarization and Reconciliation of EÆciency and Sta-

bility

In this section we will examine the issue of reconciliationof eÆciency and stability. The

rstquestiontobeaddressediswhethereÆciencyofthecountryIwouldguaranteeitslaissez

faire stability. In our framework it comes down to the comparison of the cut-o values g e

and g s

lf . If g

e

is greater than g s

lf

, then the eÆciency of country I would imply its laissez

faire stability. However, if the opposite inequality holds, there is a range of government

costs that yields the eÆciency but not the laissez faire stability of I. The objective of this

section is to demonstrate that there is no unambiguous answer to this question. What is

even more important is that the relationship between eÆciency and laissez faire stability

crucially depends onthe polarization of the citizens'preferences inthe country I. We shall

demonstrate that eÆcient countries are laissez faire stable as long as the heterogeneity of

nation'scitizens doesnot generateanexcessive degree of polarization of their preferences.

Toformallyaddresstheissueofpolarizationonewouldrequireade nitionofpolarization

index. Esteban and Ray (1994) and Foster and Wolfson (1994) (see also Wang and Tsui

(2000))suggestgeneralprinciplesando ersomeparticularfamiliesofindicesofpolarization.

However, since they deal with nite distributions, there is some adjustment to be made

for using these indices in the continuum framework. In this paper we adopt the index of

polarization, proposed by Alesina, Baqir and Easterly (1999), that represents the \median

distancetothe median".

15

Inour frameworkitsimply amountsto 1

2 l(

1

2

),i.e., thedistance

14

ThispropositiongeneralizestheresultsbyAlesinaandSpolaore(1997)fortheuniformdistributionand

Weber(1992)fortheclassoflog-concavedistributionfunctions.

15

Alternatively,one canusethepolarizationindexproposedinDuclos,EstebanandRay(2001).

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Thisindex has some desirable properties andisconsistent withthe rst degreeofstochastic

dominance shifts. In particular, a symmetric shift of mass of citizens away from the center

towards the margins, 0 and 1, would obviously move the median of the left half of the

distribution,l(

1

2

),further to the left and increasethe degreeof polarization.

Let a be a parameter, satisfying 0 < a  1

3

. For every a, let F

a

be the symmetric

probability distributionon [0;1] whosedensity f

a

is de nedas follows:

f

a (t)=

(

1

3a

if t2[0;a][ h

1 a

2

; 1+a

2 i

[[1 a;1]

0 if t2(a;

1 a

2 )[(

1+a

2

;1 a):

Straightforwardcomputationsleadtothe followingmediansetsofthedistributionF

a

onthe

interval[0;t]:

L

a (t)=

8

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

<

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

>

: n

t

2 o

if t 2[0;a]

n

a

2 o

if t 2(a;

1 a

2 )

n

t

2 1

4 +

3a

4 o

if t 2 h

1 a

2

; 1+a

2 i

h

a;

1 a

2 i

if t 2( 1+a

2

;1 a)

n

t

2 o

if t 2[1 a;1]:

The piecewise di erentiablefunction l

a

(t) de nedbelowrepresents aselection fromL

a (t) :

l

a (t)=

8

>

>

>

>

>

>

<

>

>

>

>

>

>

: t

2

if t2[0;a]

a

2

if t2(a;

1 a

2 )

t

2 1

4 +

3a

4

if t2 h

1 a

2

; 1+a

2 i

t+ a 1

2

if t2( 1+a

2

;1 a)

t

2

if t2[1 a;1]:

Sincel 0

a

(t)1forallt 2[ 0;1],itfollowsthatforalla2(0;

1

3 ],F

a

satis esgradualescalation

of the median.

Insert Figure 1 here

Notethatinthis example,the countryconsistsofthreegroups,locatedattheintervals[0;a],

[ 1 a

2

; 1+a

2

],and[1 a;1]. Ifa = 1

3

,the distributionF

a

issimplyuniformontheentireinterval

[0;1]. However,if theparameter adecreases, the\homogeneity"withineachof threegroups

raises,whereasintra-group\heterogeneitygap"widens. This,accordingtoEstebanandRay

(1994),would lead toanincreased degreeof polarization within the country.

Indeed, the polarization index we use, denoted by , yields the following expression for

(15)

class of functions F

a

, the index is lowest when the distribution is uniform at a = 1

3

. This

observation allows to formulate our result concerning the relationship between eÆciency,

laissez fairestability and the degree of polarization:

Proposition 5.1: There existsa criticalvalue a



2(0;

1

3

) such that:

whenever parameter a belongs to the range [a



; 1

3

], the value of g e

is greater or equal

tog s

lf

;

whenever parameter a belongs to the range (0;a



), the value of g e

is lower than that

of g s

lf .

This proposition has several important implications. It states that, within a class of

distribution functions satisfying assumptions SY and GEM, there is a critical degree of

polarizationabovewhicheÆciencydoesnotimplylaissezfairestabilityand someredistribu-

tion isneededtoeliminate possible secessionthreats. Our result alsodemonstrates thatif a

degreeofpolarizationisbelowthiscut-o value,theneÆciencyyieldslaissezfairestability.

16

If an eÆcient nation is not laissez faire stable, the question is whether it is possible to

nd a compensation scheme that would eliminate a threat of secession. To address this

question, we have to modify De nition 3.4 of a region prone to secession. If compensation

schemesare availableatthe countrylevel,there isnoreasontorule themout atthe levelof

any region contemplating a possibility of secession. Indeed, secessionist activists may well

use them too in order to convince people to join the move. The consistent revision of our

secession-proofness constraints, that into account possible transfers, taken from Le Breton

and Weber (2000), isdescribed below.

De nition 5.2: Consider acost allocationx and a location of government p. We say that

the regionS is T-prone tosecession,givenxand p,if thereexists anS-costallocation

y and the location of the government of S at p

S

, suchthat for all t inS:

d(t;p

S

)+y(t)<d(t;p)+x(t):

16

Ourproposition5.1propositiongeneralizesProposition5ofAlesinaandSpolaore(1997)fortheuniform

distribution. Even thoughtheirresult isstated interms ofthe size of thecountry, but it can,as well, be

formulatedintermsofgovernmentcosts.

(16)

that noregion isT-prone tosecession.

This de nition is analogous to De nition 3.4 of a prone to secessionregion, except that

nowthe countryaswellasthe regionshaveanoptionto use budgetbalanced transfers. For

the region S to be T-prone to secession, the regional compensation policy must be budget

balanced and together with the location of the regional government must be unanimously

preferred to the national policy by the citizens in region. If, given (x;p), no region S is

T-prone to secession,then the country I is T-stable and (x;p) is said to be secession-proof.

Itcanbeshown thatif(x;p)issecession-proof,thenthelocationofthe governmentischosen

atthe country's median,and for allregions S the following inequality holds:

Z

S

(d(t;M(I))+x(t))f(t)dtD(S)+g:

Le Breton and Weber (2000) provedthat a country is T-stableif and only if economies

of scale are large enough. That is,

Proposition 5.3: There exits a cut-o value of g, denoted g s

T

, such that the country I is

T-stableif and only if g g s

T .

The comparison of g s

lf

and g s

T

is not obvious. On the one hand, compensation schemes

expandthesetofoptionsforthecountrytopreventpossiblesecessions. Ontheotherhand,a

possibility of compensation makesthe secession-proofness constraints muchmore stringent.

The followingproposition(see Le Bretonand Weber(2000))states that forthe distribution

functions, satisfying assumptions SY and GEM, the two thresholds actually coincide and

there isno gap between eÆciencyand T-stability:

Proposition 5.4: If the function F belongs to the class F then the country I is T-stable

whenever itis eÆcient. That is,g s

T

=g e

.

Propositions5.1and5.4togetherdemonstratethemain assertionofthis paper,claiming

that there are countries where:

- itis sociallyineÆcient toconsider abreak-up of the country,

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strument. Inthenextsectionwediscussthesustainability ofcompensationschemesthrough

political institutionsof the country.

6 Voting on Transfers

In this section we examine the nature of compensation schemes that may emerge under

thepoliticalmechanismofmajorityvotingandrelateittotheissueofpolarizationofcitizens'

preferencesdiscussed in the previous section.

Weassumethatbothdecisionsonthelocationofthegovernmentandthetransferscheme

are decided by a majority voting in the country. For the sake of simplicity, let us further

assumethat, withineachpossibleregionS,onlylinearcompensationschemesare considered

and we restrictout attention to the S-cost allocationof the type

x(t)= jt pj;

where p denotes the location of government,  and are parameters satisfying  >0;0 

 1. Under this speci cation, the choice of a high value of corresponds to a high

compensationforthoselocatedfarawayfromp. Inparticular, =1guaranteeseverycitizen

thefullcompensationforthedisutilityofdistancethatresultsinRawlsianallocation. Onthe

other hand, =0 provides nocompensation atall and givesrise to laissez faireallocation.

The budgetbalance constraint R

S

x(t)f(t)dt =g implies that

( ;S)= g

(S) +



d (S ;p);

wherethe expression



d(S ;p)= R

S

jt pjf(t)dt

(S)

isthe averagedistanceto locationp inthe region

S. Thus, considering compensation schemes, citizens of the country S, in e ect, select a

single parameter, the degree of equalization . This is a two dimensional voting problem

and,asinAlesinaand Spolaore(1997)andAlesina,Baqir andEasterly (1999),weavoidthe

issue of existence of an equilibrium by assuming that the voting is sequential. The citizens

rstvoteonthecompensationschemeandthenonthelocationofthe government. Avoting

equilibrium will be denoted by (p



(S);



(S)).

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citizent 2S is:

(1 ) jt pj+ g

(S) +



d (S ;p): (4)

It will sometimesbe convenient topresentthe cost in(4)as

(



d(S ;p) jt pj)+ jt pj+ g

(S)

: (5)

By (5), all citizens whose distance from p is more than the country average



d(S ;p), have

single peaked preferences over with apeak at1, whereasall citizens whose distancefrom

pis less thanthe country average, havesingle peakedpreferences over with a peak at0.

To state our rst result concerningthe voting equilibrium, we againutilize the polariza-

tionindex representingthe mediandistancetothe median. Tosimplifyour discussion,let

usassume that for everycountry S, itsmedian m(S)is uniquely de ned. Then for every S

we have:



d(S ;m(S))= D(S)

(S)

;

where,to recall, D(S) is the minimalaggregate transportation cost within S.

For every S, we de ne the polarization index (S) such that represents the median

distanceto the medianm(S). That is,each of the twoinequalities

jt m(S)j (S) and jt m(S)j (S)

holds for atleast 50% of the citizens of S.

ThenextpropositioncharacterizesthevotingequilibriuminS. Itstatesthatthelocation

of the governmentat S is always chosen atits median. As far as the compensation scheme

is considered, the solution is \bang-bang": if the median distance to the median, (S) is

smaller than the average distance from the median, D(S)

(S)

, the equilibrium compensation

scheme entails no compensation and, in fact, results in the laissez faire allocation; but if

the median distance to the median is larger than the average distance from the median,

the unique equilibrium compensation scheme entails full compensation and generates the

Rawlsian allocation. Thus, countries whose degree of polarization exceeds the value D(S)

(S) ,

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Proposition 6.1: Assumethat

(S)

6= (S). Thenthereexistsaunique voting equilibrium

de nedby:

p



(S)=m(S)

and



(S)= 8

<

: 0 if

D(S)

(S)

> (S)

1 if D(S)

(S)

< (S):

Remark 6.2: Note also that in Proposition 6.1 we do not examine the situation when

D(S)

(S)

= (S). In this case we have a tie between two extreme solutions = 0 and

=1. (This happens, for instance, when F is the uniform distribution.) In this case

one may introduce a small administrative cost of public funds, that would break the

tie, asin Alesina and Spolaore (1997),in favor of the laissez faireallocation.

The important question is to determine the equilibrium compensation scheme for the

entire nation. In the case where the function f is symmetric, it is easy to verify that



(I)=1if and only if

2 Z 1

2

0

tf(t)dt >l(

1

2

); (6)

andthecountryvotesforfullcompensationifthemeanofthedistributionon h

0;

1

2 i

isgreater

than its median on that interval. Whether this is, indeed the case, obviously, depends on

the type of the distribution function and, as the following twoexamples of the distribution

functionsfrom the class F indicate, the inequality (6)may or may not hold.

Example 6.3: Consider aquadraticcumulativedistributionfunction,whosedensityf(t)is

given by

f(t)= (

4t if t

1

2

4 4t if t 1

2 :

Then 2 R

1

2

0

tf(t)dt = 1

3

, whereas l(

1

2 ) =

1

p

8

. Thus, (6) is violated and the laissez fare

allocation



(I)=0 isthe voting equilibrium.

Example 6.4: Consider the bimodal cumulative function,whose density f(t) is given by

f(t)= (

4

3 4

3

t if t 1

2

4

3

t if t

1

2 :

Then 2 R

1

2

0

tf(t)dt= 2

9

whereasl(

1

2 )=

4 p

10

4

0:21. Thus,(6) holds and thereforethe

fullcompensationscheme



(I)=1 emergesas the only politicalequilibrium.

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analysis of stability conducted in Section 3 should be revisited. Indeed, itshould take into

accountthe compensationschemes



(I) inthe country I and



(S)for anycountryS that

contemplates athreat of secession.

De nition 6.5: The region S isp-prone to secessionif, givenvoting equilibriain I and S,

allcitizensof S wouldbe better o if S secedes,i.e., the following inequality holds for

allt2S (cf. (4)):

(1



(S))jt m(S)j+ g+



(S)D(S)

(S)

<(1



(I))jt m(I)j+g+



(I)D(I):

The country I is politically stableif there is noregion S p-pronetosecession.

Weimmediately observe:

Proposition 6.6: AssumethatD(I)6= (I). Thenthereisacut-o valueofthegovernment

costs, denoted g p

, such that the country is politically stable if and onlyif g g p

.

The natural question is whether eÆciency and political stability can be reconciled. As

we argued in Section 4, there is an equivalence between eÆciency and T-stability, but it is

not clear whether this result would hold if T-stability is replaced by politicalstability. The

followingexample,however,exhibitsacountrythatiseÆcientandT-stable,butispolitically

unstable.

Example 6.7: Consider the following symmetricdistribution on[0;1]:

regionS

1 -

3

10

of the total population located in0,

regionS

2 -

4

10

of the total population located in 1

2 ,

regionS

3 -

3

10

of the total population located in1.

Proposition 4.1 yields g e

= 3

20

. Turn now to the issue of secession. For the country I,

m(I)= 1

2

and since (I)= 1

2

and D(I)= R

I

jt m(I)jf(t)dt= 3

10

, we have



(I)=1.

Forthree regions S

1

;S

2

,and S

3

,the choice of is irrelevant since there would beno trans-

portationcosts in the case of their secession.

Forregions S

1 S

S

2

and S

2 S

S

3

, the median islocated at 1

2

and, obviously,



(S)=0.

(21)

g+ 3

10

 10g

3

(forregions S

1 orS

3 );

g+ 3

10

 10g

4

(forregion S

2 );

g+ 3

10

 10g

7 +

1

2

(for regionsS

1 [

S

2 orS

2 [

S

3 );

g+ 3

10

 10g

6 +

1

2

(for region S

1 [

S

3 ):

These inequalities are satis ed if g  g p

= 1

5

. Since g p

> g e

, it follows that the country I

can be eÆcient without being politicallystable.

It is instructive to point out that in this example a threat of secession comes from the

center S

2

. Indeed, the more distant regions S

1 or S

3

, have suÆcient number of citizens to

enforce full equalization through the voting mechanismif joined by the central region S

2 .

Wewill show nowthat eÆciency can be restoredthrough the transfer mechanism. Con-

sider a symmetriccost allocation that assigns the total cost x to every citizen inregions S

1

and S

3

and y to every citizen in region S

2

. To be immune to the threat of secession, ithas

tosatisfy the followinglist of inequalities:

x+ 2y

3

= 10g

6 +

1

2

(budget constraint),

x 10g

3

(secessionthreat of regions S

1 or S

3 );

y 10g

4

(secessionthreat of regionS

2 );

x+ 4y

3

 10g

3 +

1

2

(secessionthreat of regions S

1 [

S

2 orS

2 [

S

3 );

x 10g

6 +

1

2

(secessionthreat of region S

1 [

S

3 ):

From the rst and the last inequalities we obtain y  0. That is, the citizens in S

2 must

makeanonnegativecontribution. Sincex= 10g

6 +

1

2 2y

3

. the threeintermediateinequalities

yield

Max(0;

3

4 5g

2

)y 5g

2

: (7)

(See Figure2).

Insert Figure 2 here

(22)

Wecanseethatasolutionto(7)existsifandonlyifg isgreaterorequaltothevalue

20

=g ,

wherepointwhere the twolines intersect. This demonstratesthat we can restore eÆciently

byusingtransfers,i.e.,aneÆcientcountryisT-stable. Figure2identi esthevaluesofythat

allowpreventionofsecessionthreats. Itisinterestingtonotethat, undermoderatee ectsof

economiesof scale(g isclosetog e

),thereis anarrowrange ofsecession-proof compensation

schemes.

7 Appendix

Proof of Proposition 3.3: First observe that the de nition of eÆciency implies that

we can restrict our attention to intervals only. Indeed, we always can reduce the total

transportation cost in a partition consisting of disconnected regions by rearranging them

intoconnected ones. Moreover,by (1), for every t2I, we have

g e

Sup

t2I

(D(I) D([ 0;t]) D([t;1] )):

Denote

(t;s) =D([0;t] ) D([ 0;s]) D([s;t] )

for alls;t2I with s t and

(t)=Sup

s2[0;t]

D([ 0;t]) D([0;s]) D([ s;t] ) (8)

for allt2I. The supremum in(8)is attained at amedian of the interval [0;t].

Foralmost every pointt, atwhichthe function f iscontinuous and positive,both l(t)=

m(0;t) and m(l(t);t) are determineduniquely. Thus,the envelope theoremimplies that

0

(t)=[m(l(t);t) l(t)]f(t)>0:

Ift is suchthat f isequalto zero initsneighborhood,then 0

(t)=0. The setof points for

whichnoneofthesetwopropertiesholdshastheLebesguemeasurezero. Therefore 0

(t)0

for almostall t2I, and hence is a non-decreasing function.

Now take any t 2 I and any partition f[s

0

;s

1 );[ s

1

;s

2

);:::;[ s

k 1

;s

k

]g of [0;t] into k

consecutiveintervalswiths

0

=0and s

k

=t. Wewillproveby inductiononk that g  (1)

implies:

(23)

(k 1)gD([0;t] ) k

X

i=1 (D([s

i 1

;s

i

] ): (9)

The monotonicity of impliesthat (t)< (1),and sothe claim is true for k =2. Let

D([0;t]) k

X

i=1 (D([s

i 1

;s

i ])=

[D([0;t]) D([0;s

k 1

]) D([s

k 1

;t])]+[D([0;s

k 1 ])

k 1

X

i=1 (D([s

i 1

;s

i ])]

Invoking themonotonicityof again,weconcludethat the rstterm onthe righthandside

is smallerthan g, and, by the induction hypothesis,the secondterm on the right handside

is smallerthan (k 2)g. Thus, inequality (9) follows. The general claim of the proposition

followsby applying the above inequality for t=1. 2

We will use the following lemma, which allows us to restrict our analysis of possible

threatsof secessiontointervalswhose endpointsare located onthe same side ofthe median

m(I):

Lemma A.1: IfaregionS ispronetosecession,then eitherS [0;m(I)]orS[ m(I);1].

Moreover,there existsaninterval T prone to secessionsuch that (T)=(S).

Proof: Let S be a region prone to secession and assume, without loss of generality,

that m 2 m(S) satis es m  m(I). Then t 2 S\[ m(I);1] would imply g

(S)

+(t m) 

g+(t m(I)),contradicting our assumption of S being prone tosecession.

Now let S  [0;m(I)] be a region prone to secession when government of S choos-

ing its location at m 2 m(S). Let now T = T

1 [T

2

with T

1

= [a;m], T

2

= [m;b], and

(T

1

)=(T

2 )=

(S)

2

. Since, by construction,m2m(T), (T)=(S),and bSup

t2S t, we

conclude that T isprone to secession2

Proof of Proposition 3.5: The de nition of laissez faire stability implies that if I is

laissezfairestable forsome g, itisalso the case forany g 0

g. Thus,itsuÆcetoshow that

there existsa value of g for whichI is laissez fairestable.

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rewritten as

d(t;m(I)) d(t;m)>g(

1

(S)

1): (10)

Lemma A.1 implies that either S  [0;m(I)] or S  [m(I);1]. Since S is located on one

side of the median m(I), we have d(t;m(I)) d(t;m)  Max(m(I);1 m(I))  1 for all

m2M(S)and all t2S.

However, since (S)  1

2

, it follows that if g  1, the inequality (10) is violated for S.

Thus,for g 1 noregion isprone to secessionand I is laissez fairestable. 2

Proof of Proposition 4.1: (i) Proposition 3.3 implies that g e

= (1), where was

de nedby (8). Since f is symmetric,we have:

(1)=2 Z 1

2

0 (

1

2

t)f(t)dt Inf

t2I (t);

where

(t) = Z

l(t)

0

(l(t) s)f(s)ds+ Z

t

l(t)

(s l(t))f(s)ds

+ Z

r(t)

t

(r(t) s)f(s)ds+ Z

1

r(t)

(s r(t))f(s)ds:

Simplecalculationsshowthat atalmosteverypointt atwhichf iscontinuousand positive,

0

(t) =(2t l(t) r(t))f(t):

If t is such that f is equal to zero in its neighborhood, then clearly 0

(t) = 0. Since F

satis es assumptions SY and GEM, it followsthat l 0

(t)  1, and, by (3), r 0

(t)  1. Thus

(2t l(t) r(t)) isnon-decreasing and isequal tozero at 1

2

. This implies that 0

(t) is non-

positive almost everywhere on the interval [0;

1

2

] and is non-negative almost everywhere on

the interval[ 1

2

;1]. Therefore attainsits minimum at the point 1

2 .

As a result,

(1)=2

"

Z 1

2

0 (

1

2

t)f(t)dt Z

l(

1

2 )

0 (l(

1

2

) t)f(t)dt Z

1

2

l(

1

2 )

(t l(

1

2

))f(t)dt

#

;

(25)

intervals[s;t]with 0s <t 1

2

. Takeanypair s;t2[0;

1

2

]with s<t. TheregionS =[s;t]

with a positive mass is not prone tosecession if and onlyif the citizen t is better o inthe

uni ed country than in the region [s;t], with capital at its rightmost medianm(s;t). That

is,

g+( 1

2

t)

g

F(t) F(s)

+(t m(s;t));

or

g 

F(t) F(s)

1 F(t)+F(s) (

1

2

2t+m(s;t)):

Thus,

g s

lf

=Sup

0s<t

1

2

F(t) F(s)

1 F(t)+F(s) (

1

2

2t+m(s;t)):

2

Proofof Proposition 4.2: Sincef issymmetric,itsuÆcestoconsiderregionsS =[s;t]

with 0  s < t  1

2

; and, since f > 0; m(s;t) is uniquely de ned. We want to prove that

if S is prone to secession, then the region T = [0;c] with (T) = (S) is also prone to

secession. Tothis end, x anyt in(0;

1

2

)and considerallintervals[s;b(s)]  h

0;

1

2 i

suchthat

([s;b(s)])=t; or,equivalently, F(b(s)) F(s)=t.

Since F isdi erentiable,implicit derivation yields:

b 0

(s)= f(s)

f(b(s))

. (11)

Byde nition, g(s)m(s;b(s)) isthe unique solutionof the equation

F(g(s))=

F(s)+F(b(s))

2

;

and so,after implicitderivation and the use of (11),

g 0

(s)= f(s)

f(g(s))

. (12)

Nowsupposethat [s;b(s)] isproneto secession. Take>0small enoughandmoves tothe

left by ; while maintainingthe measure of the interval, i.e., consider [s ;b(s )]. Since

[s;b(s)] is proneto secession,

g 1 t

t

<

1

2

2b(s)+g(s):

(26)

itpro table to secede,i.e.,

g 1 t

t

<

1

2

2b(s )+g(s )

But



1

2

2b(s )+g(s )

 

1

2

2b(s)+g(s)



=[ 2b 0

(s) g 0

(s)]+O(

2

)

Therefore,it isenough toprove that:

2b 0

(s) g 0

(s)0;

or,using (11) and (12), that

f(b(s))2f(g(s)):

Since g(s)=m(s;b(s)); this last inequality followsfrom our assumption onf:2

ExampleA.2 - Threat of Secession from the Center: Letx;y bepositivenumbers

with x<y <

1

2

. Consider the following 17

distribution,which, obviously, isnot log-concave:

regionS

1

- 12% of the population is in 0,

regionS

2

- 12% of the population is in x;

regionS

3

- 20% of the population is in y,

regionS

4

- 12% of the population is in 1

2 ,

regionS

5

- 20% of the population is in 1

2 y,

regionS

6

- 12% of the population is in 1

2 x,

regionS

7

- 12% of the population is in 1.

Ifweconsideronlytheintervalswiththeendpointat0,thecut-o valueofg isthelowest

valueofgforwhichtheregionsS

1 ,S

1 S

S

2 andS

1 S

S

2 S

S

3

arenotpronetosecession. Thus,

the following three inequalities hold:

100

12

g g+ 1

2

; 100

24

g g+ 1

2 x;

100

44

g+y xg+ 1

2 y:

After rearrangingthe terms,weobtain

g Max(

3

;

3 6

x;

11 22

(2y x)): (13)

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2 3

g  4

17 8

17

y: (14)

Nowchooseg =0:157andy=0:164. Theninequality (14)isviolated. However,itiseasyto

verify that inequality (13) isstrict aslong as 0:003<x<0:027. Thus, for these parameter

values, the region S

2 S

S

3

is proneto secessionwhereas the regions containing S

1

are not.

The intuition here is clear. The individuals located in 0 would like to join the region

S

2 S

S

3

proneto secession. However, theycannotcommit, oncein, tomaintain the location

ofthesecedinggovernmentaty. Instead,byjoiningin, theregionS

1

wouldshiftthemedian

of the new region fromy tox. This shift, however,is going to be rejected by the region S

3

that would be unwilling tojoin the secession.

Proof of Proposition 5.1: Letus comparethe values of g s

and g e

. First, wecalculate

g e

. By (i)of Proposition 4.1,

g e

= 1

2 4

Z 1

2

l

a (

1

2 )

tf(t)dt:

Since l

a (

1

2 )=

3a

4

, we have

g e

= 1

6 a

8 :

Now turn tog s

lf

. It is easy toseethat the SDR property holds. Moreover, 1

2

2t+l(t)0

whenever t  1 a

2

. Furthermore, note that l

a

(t) is constant on the interval (a;

1 a

2

). Thus,

by (ii) of Proposition 4.1,

g s

lf

=Sup

t2[0;a]

F(t)

1 F(t) (

1

2

2t+l(t))

or

g s

lf

=Max

t2[0;a]

t

3a

1 t

3a (

1

2

2t+ t

2

)=Max

t2[0;a]

t 3t 2

2(3a t) :

Notethat the maximumof the last expression,t m

,is givenby

t m

= (

a if 0<a

1

5

3a p

9a 2

a if 1

5

a 1

3 :

Bysubstituting the expression for t m

toderive g s

lf

,weobtain

g s

lf

= (

1

4 3a

4

if 0<a 1

5

9a 3 p

9a 2

a 1

2 if

1

5

a 1

3 :

Insert Figure 3 here

(28)

Thus,the functional expressionfor g

lf

consists of two parts, linear and non-linear ina. By

comparing the values of g e

and g s

lf

, it remains to observe that only the linear part of g s

lf

intersects the curve for g e

and that the intersection occurs ata



= 2

15

(see Figure 3). Thus,

g s

>g e

fora <

2

15

,whereas g s

<g e

fora >

2

15 . 2

Proof of Proposition 6.1: Suppose that the value of has been determined in the

rst stage of voting and let us examine the second stage where the government location p

is selected. If has been chosen equal to 1, then, by (4), the preferences of all citizens

over locations in I are identical and every t would choose m(S) to minimize the average

transportation cost. Let < 1. By (4), the total cost of a citizen t 2 S consists of

two variable components: her own transportation cost, (1 )jt pj, and the average

transportationcost inS,



d(S ;p). In termsof herowntransportationcost,the preferencesof

individual t overlocationsare single peaked, with t being her ideal point. Since allcitizens

wish to minimize the average transportation cost, the median voter theorem immediately

impliesthat the onlysecond-stage equilibrium is the medianlocationp



=m(S).

Nowletusturn tothe rst stage. Sincep



(S)=m(S),itfollowsthatif (S)islessthan

the average distance to m(S) within S, then, by (5), the majority of the citizens in S will

support =0,whereasif (S) is greaterthan the average distanceto m(S) withinS, then

the majority of the citizens inS will support =1. 2

Proof ofProposition 6.6: Notethat,by(4), theconditionforaregionStobep-prone

tosecession can be rewritten as

g+



(S)D(S)

(S)

+(1



(S))jt m(S)j<g+



(I)D(I)+(1



(I))jt m(I)j:

Since(S)1,it immediately impliesthat if regionS isnot p-proneto secessionwhenthe

value of government cost is g, it is also not p-prone to secession for all values of g 0

greater

that g. Thus, it remains to show that there exists a suÆciently large value of g for which

the countryI is politically stable.

Take now any positive number  < 1. The above inequality implies that if a region S

(29)

g <

(S)

1 (S)

<

1 

 :

Thus, by setting g  1 



we eliminate a threat of secession by \small" regions that allows

usto focus onthose with (S)1 .

Consider rst thecase where



(I)=0and let bechoseninsuchawaythat



(S)=0

forallS with (S)1 . Since nocompensationtakes place,the value ofthe government

costs g s

lf

wouldpreventa threat of secession.

Finally,let



(I)=1. Again, choose >0 such that for any S with (S)>1  would

have



(S)=1. S will be p-prone to secessionif

g+D(S)

(S)

<g+D(I);

or

g <

(S)

1 (S)

(D(I))

D(S)

(S) ):

Since D(I) R

I

jt m(S)jf(t)dt, itfollows S will bep-prone tosecession onlyif

g <

(S)

1 (S) Z

InS

jt m(S)jf(t)dt(S)1:

To complete the proof, it suÆces to observe that the cut-o value g p

can be chosen as the

largest numberamong the three: 1;

1 



and g s

lf .2

8 References

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Casella,A.(1992)\OnMarketsandClubs: EconomicandPoliticalIntegrationofRegions

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