The point has already been laboured in chapter three that the „self‟ is a central subject of contemporary sociologies and that the prominence of „individualism‟ in modern societies is widely theorised. To reiterate, some of the theorists and terms referred to previously include Taylor‟s „authentic‟ self (1989); Gidden‟s „reflexive self‟ (1991); the „choosing, deciding, shaping human being‟ of Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2001); the „morally autonomous individual‟ referred to by Bellah et al. (1996); or the „lonely, self-concerned and self-centred economic actor‟ as described by Bauman (2003). It was also argued that economic self-reliance and self-determination are cultural markers that help people to define their common identities. The case studies of both Jessica and Kayla in chapter three show anecdotally just how significant the pursuit of „economic self-reliance‟ is to both their understandings of a „good life‟, despite their disparate life histories and experiences. In the following analysis, common themes arising from all participants in the middle-income category will be discussed in relation to this theme.
First, amongst middle-income participants, „self-reliance‟ is not always related to money in their understanding of a „good life‟. For two thirds of participants, meaning and happiness or self-worth is at times described as originating through the „self‟ without reference to economic motivations. For some, this relates to the way they view themselves and their own self-fulfilment, or in achieving things that make them happy:
„…for me, a huge thing about what makes my life good, what for me gives me purpose, gives me meaning, is self-love. Is self-confidence, self-respect. I think it comes down to you, in the end.‟ (Saskya, 26, Administrator) For others, deference to „self‟ means taking primary responsibility for themselves rather than being dependent in any way upon other people or social structures:
130 „A good life is, when you‟re happy and when you have good people around you. And you are … not really dependent on anything in particular, you‟re able cope and survive through your own ways of living, I think.‟
(Osser, 31, Graphic Designer) „I realise now how important it is to be able to steer your own ship.‟
(Douglas, 34, Building Contractor) Another way of talking about the centrality of the „self‟ includes the notion of moral autonomy:
„We should have morality, but it should be our own morality. I think it‟s got
nothing to do with anybody else.‟ (Sally, 35, Administrator)
„…a lot of my principles are based on me and my close knit of friends, rather
than society as a whole.‟ (Candy, 27, Upholsterer)
Thus, while it is specifically money orientations that constitute the focus of this thesis, participants‟ understandings of self-reliance are not limited to financial ones. Self- reliance, or self-fulfilment itself is, as d‟Epinay stated, „at the heart of our civilisation‟ (d'Epinay 1991: 56-65). In this study, many middle-income participants clearly articulate an ethic of reliance primarily upon the „self‟ for life fulfilment, direction, achievement, and also moral decision-making in their expressions of a „good life‟. However, it is in relation to money that the theme of self-reliance is most consistently significant in this study. Without exception, all participants also convey in varying degrees the importance of economic self-reliance to the realisation of a „good life‟. There are a number of different themes arising here. First, all participants refer to the relationship between working to earn money and the contribution of an income
131 towards self-sufficiency.38 For some, maximising self-reliance through income drives their idea of a „good life‟:
„Starting your own business I see as a vehicle for independence. And so you don‟t have to…rely on other people, rely on a job or rely on anything to give you an income. I see it as a vehicle to be self-sufficient and financially
independent I suppose.‟ (Edgar, 34, Building Contractor)
„[Money is] a means to an end. I guess I work to live rather than live to work. Albeit I am fairly driven about… you know, doing well and being successful, getting as much out of it as I can. I‟ll always have my hand out
for the pay-rises and all that sort of thing.‟ (Mike, 35, Accountant)
For others, working to earn an income and gain financial self-reliance is one criterion for contentedness in a „good life‟:
„I think everyone works for a reason [and] that‟s to earn money. And I‟m reasonably lucky I guess in that I earn a decent amount compared to most. Having some level of financial security, in you know, owning a house or something like that ... Where you can work for play money, and work for your retirement sort of thing. Where there‟s no pressure in where you want
to go.‟ (George, 27, Professional)
Second, all participants also talk about financial self-reliance in terms of what their own money generation allows them to do, or achieve. For some, this is spoken of in terms of a general quality of life:
38
I did not interview non-working mothers/carers who rely on their partner‟s incomes in this category, and acknowledge this could perhaps raise interesting variations in responses to perceptions of self- reliance and the place/value of family in participant monetary meanings.
132 „I like it [money] because it enables you to do things. … I don‟t think that it can make you happy, but I think it can stop you from being sad. If that makes sense! Like the saying that „money doesn‟t make you happy‟. Yes, but if you don‟t have it, you can be very sad! So, more of a tool to give me
what I want I think.‟ (Winona, 32, Accountant)
„But I just basically want to be self-sufficient. And comfortable. But I don‟t necessarily have to be rich. If we had just a little tiny house, but then travelled, that would be great. I don‟t want a mansion or anything. Just the
freedom.‟ (Sally, 35, Administrator)
Other participants are quite specific about the ways money contributes to a „good life‟: „I‟m just getting towards the age where starting to think about nesting a bit, you know, should I be saving towards a house? Well yes, I am trying to save
towards a house. I‟ll need a new car.‟ (Peter, 28, Manager)
„No mortgage. That‟s what I would like. To wipe the debt. The thought of
being in debt is just terrible really.‟ (Carin, 31, Nurse)
Third, more than two-thirds of middle-income participants also communicate that being economically self-reliant embodies some sense of security. For some, like Charlie, financial security is a basic life equation:
„…that you have your house, you have your skills and or source of income
from them. It doesn‟t really have to go much further than that.‟
(Charlie, 36, Teacher) For Stephanie, financial security is an obligation that looms closer the older she becomes:
„In that sense of money, I think being a bit cautious and trying to put away is important. … But I‟ve also got that sense that I‟ve got an obligation to support my dad fairly soon, my brothers and I. … So for me that responsibility stuff is starting to kick in.‟ (Stephanie, 31, Lawyer)
133 These three themes – income and self-reliance, the goals or achievements enabled by self-reliance, and the security provided by economic self-reliance – represent the positive ways that middle-income participants address the meanings of financial self- reliance in reference to a „good life‟. However, participants also give reasons for being oriented towards the pursuit of economic self-reliance because of contexts avoided through self-sufficiency. These „scenarios‟ include stress, anxiety, reducing quality of life, worry, difficulty, or „missing out on things‟. For example:
„I want our children not to have the kind of poverty that we had as kids. I‟m saying that I don‟t intend to be really wealthy, but I‟d like to not be at that
level of scroungy kind of existence.‟ (Hank, 34, Architect)
In addition, fourteen of the eighteen participants speak directly about the lack of economic self-reliance in negative terms. Some participants reflect on times they themselves had little money:
„[It was] kind of a big issue. Little things like having to ask your mum to lend you some money here and there. Or not having enough to do the things your friends are doing, who are all working. … Yeah, some horrible times -
just no money!‟ (Candy, 27, Upholsterer)
„And I hate not being able to pay my way.‟ (Lucy, 26, Accountant)
Other participants voice their unfavourable opinions about a lack of economic self- reliance by referring to „undeserving‟ welfare recipients:
„Whether its mental illness or something - not even severe - you can have some people that just aren‟t, you know, they just aren‟t well and can‟t hold a job for whatever reason. They should be looked after. Not the guy that whether he‟s sixteen, eighteen, or thirty-five, doesn‟t want to work.‟
(Edgar, 34, Building Contractor) In summary, it is clear that for all middle-income participants, their orientation towards money as „good‟ also embodies a strong orientation towards their own (or self-generated) money as „good‟ money. Economic self-reliance is a primary rationale for entering into employment: it represents goals or achievements enabling
134 multiple benefits (such as quality of life or investments), and is also a source of personal security. While participants repeatedly legitimate economic self-reliance in these ways, the converse – a lack of economic self-reliance and consequential problems – is conveyed as a non-legitimate identity and as a lived experience to be avoided.
The following discussion first identifies these findings in reference to moral
orientations and cultural dispositions. Second, the findings draw back into a wider discussion about the moral orientations of money and in particular, wider findings related to the disconnection between public and private orientations towards money.