Marco Conceptual

Arikitanga is the supreme power or status that can be achievable in the Māori world. There are three important aspects to this power: the power of the Gods; chiefly lineage; and territorial possession, advantage and control. A person who possesses these attributes is known as an ariki. The only greater power is that possessed by the Gods. An ariki is the paramount chief who has the respect and allegiance of his or her subjects as he or she leads and directs people (Barlow, 1996, p. 6).

A whakataukī often recited by Māori, E kore au e ngāro he kākano ahau i ruia mai i Rangiātea (I will never be lost for I am a seed from Rangiātea), acknowledged how Māori recognised their descent from Rangiātea (the uppermost heaven). It depicted how Māori can

193 recognised what Barlow (1996) described as a Māori authority, which has been maintained within the philosophies and practises of arikitanga (paramount chief). According to Barlow arikitanga is an authority held by both men and women, which illustrated the traditional notions of balance within Māori communities. Barlow suggested Māori communities should refrain from using the term rangatiratanga as it was invented by European settlers in the process of developing Te Tiriti o Waitangi, suggesting instead a return to the original definition. Ariki is also a gender neutral term that can refer to both men and women.

Using whakapapa as a means for determining leadership roles based on arikitanga was traditionally embedded in the societal structure of Māori communities and was based on the inheritance of ariki (paramount chief) status. Ariki were required to step into roles of leadership, which required them to practise as guardians of marae tikanga (Winiata, 1967; Ka’ai, 2005). They were expected to be available to the community during major whānau, hapū and iwi events, such as tangihanga, births, and celebrations, and were often called upon during times of difficulty and distress for whānau. Walker (2004) described how whānau grew into hapū as a consequence of the growth of individual male or female leaders within whānau, who were able to strategically develop land. These individuals could protect and manage their whānau with diplomacy and skill and their aptitudes for these skills often led to the naming of various hapū after such leaders. This process was highlighted in the naming of the iwi of Ngāpuhi (a Northland based tribal group) after three exemplary female ariki Puhikaiariki, Puhimoanariki and Puhitaniwharau. Ngāpuhi received its name from these three puhi (women of high rank) and is now the largest iwi in Aotearoa (Tau, 2010). These elements of traditional leadership continued to influence the roles of leadership within the Māori community, although traditional forms of Māori leadership were affected by colonisation, particularly in relation to ariki status for Māori women. Māori women sustained strong roles of leadership in Māori communities regardless of colonisation (Te Awekotuku, 1991).

Winiata (1967) stated that leadership within Māori communities existed not only in direct relationship with whakapapa and genealogical connections, but could be acquired as a consequence of a person’s individual ability to enter roles of leadership. Whakapapa was how Māori recognised their ancestral links to whānau, hapū and iwi and identified links which connected and bonded them to whenua (land). It was through these lines that inherited leadership was passed down from generation to generation. A further form of leadership

194 came from kuia and koroua within the whānau, hapū and iwi. Elders in the Māori community sustained immense responsibilities within their whānau, especially with regard to teaching and nurturing children. As a consequence, it was their responsibility to ensure that traditional knowledge was passed down from their generations and was transferred through to the younger generations.

Acquired leadership was received when one could demonstrate a talent for ensuring the betterment of whānau, hapū and iwi and were able meet the needs of the people on this basis (Winiata, 1967). These leaders were able to engage with their communities in a manner which inspired commitment, faith and following from within their respective whānau, hapū and iwi.

These principles of traditional leadership provided the basis from which leadership in the Māori community was developed. Essentially, leaders were identified based on ancestral ties and their roles were sustained by the inherited status passed down across generations. This status could either grow depending on the skill of individual ariki, but in some situations it could transfer as consequence of the process of acquired leadership. Acquired leadership existed when individuals without ariki status exhibited qualities that would enhance their communities and could ensure future growth, development and wellbeing for their respective whānau, hapū and iwi (Katene, 2010; Te Momo, 2011). Although arikitanga was the primary conduit for leadership in traditional Māori communities, if an ariki was unable to work in the best interest of whānau alternative leaders were identified to expand and grow their community. These acquired leaders received the same status and responsibility as those who inherited leadership.

The traditional methods for sustaining leadership structures within Māori communities continued in contemporary Māori society. This was evident in the way that ariki within iwi held roles as guardians of tikanga, and in the way these leadership roles were encouraged and sustained throughout successive generations. An example of this practise can be seen in the sustainment of an ariki within the Kīngitanga, within the Māori community, which has been sustained on the basis of traditional lines of arikitanga. Traditionally, the lines of arikitanga could descend down to both men and women with equal importance and significance within the community. This practice was evident within the Kīngitanga as noted by Te Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikāhu and in the work of Te Puea Herangi. Although these women both

195 inherited leadership as a consequence of the ancestry, early in her life Te Puea demonstrated strong leadership skills and was encouraged to assume strong leadership roles within the Kīngitanga from an early age.

Te pūtake o rangatiratanga: the essence of rangatiratanga

Mate atu he tētē kura, ka ara mai ano he tētē kura(One frond dies immediately another frond takes its place). When an elder is no longer fit to lead, a healthier leader will stand in his place.

Rangatiratanga (sovereignty, chieftainship) has been defined and described in many ways. For example, it is referred to by Ka’ai (2005) as the ‘right to exercise authority in relation to sovereignty, leadership and identity’ (p. 5). It has been noted by Durie (1998) as ‘Māori self- determination, constitutional review’ (p. 8). Patete (2007) defined it as ‘a multi-faceted concept that encompasses important elements, as reflected in its many possible definitions in English: autonomy, independence, sovereignty, self-governance, self-determination, tino rangatiratanga and mana motuhake [are] rooted in a pre-European tradition’ (p. 16).

Rangatiratanga has been widely explored, defined, debated and discussed (Ballara, 1998; Durie, 1998; Harris, 2004; Ka’ai, 2005; Katene, 2006; Maaka & Fleras, 2005; Te Momo, 2011). Yet there are common themes of rangatiratanga, which were strongly grounded in traditional Māori practises of leadership and have been used in a contemporary context to reassert Māori self-determination (Durie, 1995). As a result, rangatiratanga was used as a means to ‘recover and reassert tino rangatiratanga and tribal authority’ and became steeped within the history of Māori political activism (Harris, 2004, p. 26). It became a conduit from which traditional Māori leadership evolved in response to colonisation. It steered the pathway for Māori from the traditional practises of leadership by responding to the changing needs of the Māori community within contemporary Aotearoa.

Rangatiratanga and its role in contemporary society began with the Treaty of Waitangi when ariki were identified for its signing (Barlow, 1991). It was defined in the Treaty in a manner which indicated the maintenance of Māori sovereignty. As a consequence, tino rangatiratanga (self-determination) became the focal point of the political movements of the Māori renaissance in the 1960s, which sought to reassert mana Māori, iwi authority and by

196 Māori for Māori responses to Māori disparity (Ballara, 1998; Patete, 2007). The renaissance movement and the reassertion of rangatiratanga highlighted how Māori adapted traditional knowledge to meet the changing needs of the community. In addition, these processes altered the nature of leadership, which traditionally relied on arikitanga and charismatic prophetic leadership to meet the growing need for political and intellectual in Māori communities (Walker, 1993). As these needs within the Māori community evolved through the process of colonisation new intellectual and political leaders such as Apirana Ngata and Maui Pomare arose. These leaders shared a goal to enhance Māori communities by encouraging access to education and improving Māori health gains. Their leadership epitomised rangatiratanga and became a definition for Māori leadership, which persisted in Māori communities regardless of societal change and development. ‘Although the Māori leaders today are still referred to as rangatira, the fundamental bases that underpinned the institutions of chieftainship changed towards recognition of leaders by achievement as much as ascription’ (Walker, p. 5)

Rangatiratanga can be celebrated in many ways, and is evident in waiata, whaikōrero and pūrākau. It was identified as a foundation for contemporary leadership in the Māori community and although its definition is strongly debated in Treaty of Waitangi negotiations due to disputes regarding indigenous and European translations. It was grounded in the mana and authority held by Māori leaders (Te Momo, 2011). Furthermore, it pertained to the right of Māori to determine their own processes of leadership and autonomy (Maaka & Fleras, 2000; Nikora, 2001).

Rangatiratanga is in a constant process of analysis within Māori communities and understanding its history is important for contextualising its meaning to Māori communities today (Te Momo, 2011). The ever changing nature of rangatiratanga has been widely explored because of its ongoing political connotations in relation to the process and realisation of self-governance within Māori communities (Awatere, 1984; Durie, 1995; 1998; Henry; 2001; Winiata, 1967). In addition, tino rangatiratanga was evident in relation to the Māori political movement, which aimed to address the issues of Māori self-determination in the governance structures in Aotearoa (Durie). As a result, Awatere indicated that Māori sovereignty and tino rangatiratanga became synonymous as a consequence of colonisation. It was integral to the definitions of sovereignty under the premises of the Treaty of Waitangi and although the social and political landscape had changed, Māori leadership continued to

197 serve as a means for advancing Māori communities. Māori leaders continued to work toward the ultimate goal of supporting the development of Māori communities.

The dynamic approach to Māori leadership in the context of dealing with colonisation and the effects of the urbanisation (the migration of Māori from rural tribal areas to urban or city areas for employment) was reviewed by Patete (2007). Patete identified that urbanisation disenfranchised Māori from their tribal and cultural bases and led to the ideals and practises of rangatiratanga being ‘sought for many generations by Māori’ (p. 5). To this end, Māori activism and protests for self-determination and iwi authority continued during WWII and the process of urbanisation, which led to heavy political activism during the 1970s through to the 1980s.

In summary, there have been many assertions by Māori to reclaim and reassert rangatiratanga and it remains a stronghold for the development and evolution of leadership. Although it differs slightly from the assertions of arikitanga, rangatiratanga has been referred to as the epitome of Māori authority and leadership (Ka’ai, 2005). Māori leadership has been described as constantly ‘evolving’ (Te Momo, 2011, p. 1). It has been described as ‘dynamic and diverse (Durie, 2011). Mead, Stevens, Third, Jackson and Pfeifer (2005) stated that rangatira translated to mean chief, which suggests it is a ‘gender free’ reference to chieftainship. When it was translated by the English during early colonial times it was presumed to refer to a ‘male’ leader, but it can mean either man or woman and is not a gender specific term (Mead, 2005, p. 1). The practise of both arikitanga and rangatiratanga leadership responsibilities have been passed down across generations regardless of age or gender (Ka’ai, 2005). Most importantly, Māori leaders were recognised traditionally for their ability to enhance Māori communities, which has been an aspect of Māori leadership that has been sustained within Aotearoa today (Katene, 2010).

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Kō te mana ō ngā wāhine Māori: the power of Māori

women

Te hā o te karanga ka rere te hā o te karanga. Ki runga koutou ngā wāhine Māori. Ngā wāhine tino taonga, ko te taonga whare tangata, ka rere te hāō Papatuānuku. He karanga mā te wāhine te ha wāhine toa. (The call of sure, quiet strength goes out. Reaching every Māori woman, woman

of priceless worth, the keepers of future generations, Mother Earth touches each one with her depths of self-determination. A token of strength for all women. Women of enduring spirit) (Anderson, 1994).

Māori women have played principal roles in many of the historical narratives which continue to be upheld in today’s reiterations of pūrākau. These roles began in the stories of Papatuānuku (mother earth). Papatuānuku will eternally be paid homage to in whaikōrero,

waiata, whakataukī and moteatea (traditional chants). Māori women were central, powerful

and authoritative figures within the traditional creation stories and these stories continue to be used as mediums for sharing knowledge and teaching tikanga. They were stories that warned of danger and spoke of love, pain, sadness, joy, light, darkness, trust and betrayal. Lee (2009) stated that ‘Pūrākau, a traditional form of Māori narrative, contains philosophical thought, epistemological constructs, cultural codes, and worldviews that are fundamental to our identity as Māori’ (p. 79). Women have been enamoured as sacred in the role as mother earth and te whare tangata since time immemorial (Ryan, 1995).

The traditional status of women as ariki descendants has been documented by Walker (1993) who noted that ariki status was passed down to subsequent generations regardless of gender. Walker (2004) further noted that elders worked to complement each other within the context of whānau to ensure the wellbeing of children physically, spiritually, emotionally and educationally. Ballara (1998) stated that Māori leaders needed to be dynamic and able to adapt to the environments that Māori live within. Within the context of arikitanga Māori women retained the rights and privileges associated to their whakapapa including the retention of land and status within whānau. As Māori women grew older their responsibility for the teaching, protection and nurturing of tamariki was a role held in high esteem and highlighted the necessary and important function of their responsibilities within the whānau structure. Within the context of whānau it became the responsibility of the tuakana (oldest