Comparativa con otros modelos

While treatment of language diversity in Peru has long been the domain of the educational sector of the government, we are currently witnessing an expansion of the scope of official LPP. As will be described in this section, the region of Cusco has been and continues to be a site where multiple civil society actors engage in a variety of everyday LPP activities.

3.2.2.1 State initiatives: seizing spaces beyond schools

The introduction of the Law of Indigenous Languages (‘Ley de Lenguas

Indígenas’5_{) in 2011 marked a shift in language policy in Peru, which expanded beyond}

the traditional scope of language- in-education policies. The law provides an elaboration

5 _{Official full name: “Ley que regula el uso, preservación, desarrollo, recuperación, fomento y}

difusión de las lenguas originarias del Perú” (‘Law that regulates the use, preservation,

of Peruvian linguistic rights (Article 4), expands the domains of official use of Indigenous languages (Articles 15 and 20), and reinforces support for maintenance models of IBE, including those for languages in the process of revitalization (Article 22). The expansion of the domains, where Indigenous languages have official status brought about by the law, constitutes a case of status planning. The first-ever Office of Indigenous Languages (‘Dirección de Lenguas Indígenas’) housed within the Ministry of Culture,

oversees the promotion and implementation of the Law of Indigenous Languages6. Besides developing the ethnolinguistic map of Peru, one of their main activities includes the development of a Training Program for interpreters and translators of Indigenous languages. The Training Program was established in 2012 with the goal of training a body of interpreters of Indigenous languages who could support the processes of prior consultation underway7 _{(Bariola, personal communication, February 2015). As of 2018,}

the program has trained 307 interpreters and translators in 36 Indigenous languages, who currently work in different governmental domains.

Andrade Ciudad, Howard and de Pedro Ricoy’s (2018) recent study on the implementation of the program has documented graduates’ emergent identification with Indigenous rights advocacy, which extends beyond the realm of linguistic rights. In addition, Andrade et al. (2018) describe how interpreters and translators maintain and make sense of ideologies of language purism and authenticity in their discourse and practice, offering a word of caution through their analysis of the exclusionary potential

6 _{The Office has also started the “Semana de la Diversidad Cultural y Linguistica”, which in 2015}

included a media challenge for artists, politicians, community leaders, among others, to speak one of Peru’s many Indigenous languages, including Quechua.

entailed in the exotification and folklorization of Indigenous languages and cultures at play. These findings parallel longstanding observations in IBE research and minoritized language advocacy and politics more largely.

Relatedly, in late 2016, the state television channel TV Perú, launched “Ñuqanchik” (‘Us’), the first TV show to be entirely in Quechua and broadcasted in

national TV in the history of the country. Since, the same channel has launched a similar news shows in Aimara (“Jiwasanaka”) and Ashaninka (“Ashiañae”), other Indigenous languages of Peru. All three programs are also broadcasted through ‘Radio Nacional’, the national radio. These activities represent another attempt of a largely monolingual state to incorporate Indigenous languages into its services, in this case, in the domain of media, which in fact reaches 90% and 70% of the Peruvian population in terms of TV and radio outreach respectively (Villar, 2018), though an examination of the language practices and ideologies co-constructed in these activities remains to be carried out.

3.2.2.2 Parallel Cusco LPP activities

These contemporary national policy activities are accompanied by a growing number of grassroots and civil society activities that are also shaping the uses and

discourses about Indigenous languages in the Peruvian landscape. Though LPP activities beyond the scope of national policies and government-related activities have taken place throughout history in the Andes (Coronel-Molina, 2015; Mannheim, 1991), this section offers a brief review of present day initiatives taking place in the region of Cusco.

The region of Cusco has long been a stimulating hub of language planning activities, and some long time actors which have influenced discourses and practices around Indigenous languages include the Academia de la Lengua Quechua (High

Academy of the Quechua Language) and the large number of IBE professionals working as school teachers, monitors, NGO staff and policymakers (Coronel-Molina, 2015; Howard, 2007). While both sets of actors have engaged in status, corpus and acquisition activities, they have often engaged in heated ideological battles around defining who decides how to write in Quechua, evidenced in the 3 vs. 5 vowels debate discussed earlier in this dissertation8 (Hornberger, 1993, 1995). In the Urubamba high school contexts, I observed pamphlets and teaching material produced by the High Academy used by Quechua teachers to a much higher degree than materials produced by the Ministry of Education or IBE groups. One teacher also mentioned attending a workshop organized by the High Academy, and some students brought small dictionaries and vocabulary

booklets produced by members of the High Academy to class.

Several religious organizations have also engaged in multiple LPP activities using and promoting Quechua. Some of these organizations include Centro Bartolomé de las Casas, the Peruvian Evangelical Church, United Bible Societies and Instituto Pastoral Andino, active since the 1970s. LPP activities have included, bible translation,

production of Quechua dictionaries and grammars, Quechua language teaching and production of teaching materials, Andean LPP-related workshops and courses and academic publishing of Quechua-related research across academic disciplines 9.

The city of Cusco houses several civil society groups working on IBE, which in 2016 coalesced in the group ‘Mesa Técnica de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe’

(Technical Roundtable for Intercultural Bilingual Education), in partnership with the Regional Directorate of Education of Cusco. Some of the LPP activities of members of this group have included conducting a region-wide sociolinguistic assessment to determine the sociolinguistic characteristics of schools which fell under the IBE label. This diagnosis complemented and surpassed the characterization carried out by the national Ministry of Education. In addition, the IBE teachers of the region of Cusco have also organized themselves as a teaching trainer group, and offer free professional

development workshops on IBE to colleagues during the summer holidays, workshops I participated in during 2016 and 2017. Through these workshops, Cusco educators are addressing the lack of qualified IBE teachers in their region, as well as contributing to the development of IBE practices around language education and intercultural pedagogies in ways not necessarily planned nor imagined by the national IBE policies.

Finally, the region of Cusco continues to house several IBE teacher training institutes. With the creation of state-sponsored scholarships to study IBE at the higher education level since 2012, there has been an increase in enrollment in these programs, which merit the attention of future research. As a whole, the activities of Cusco

educational actors continue to be largely centered around the rural and Quechua as L1- speaking populations which have been the traditional focus of IBE programs. Some of the few exceptions include the work of the NGO TAREA, which conducted an action-

research study on the teaching and learning of Quechua as a second and heritage language in the province of Quillabamba (Guzmán, 2018), as well as the educational

experience of Pukllasunchis, an intercultural and bilingual school in the city of Cusco (UNICEF & FUNPROEIB, 2009).

Paralleling the increase of national-level activities led by the Ministry of Culture, regional offices of the same division have also spearhead LPP activities. For example, staff from the Regional Directorate of Culture of Cusco (Dirección Regional de Cultura

del Cusco) are engaged in the development and implementation of linguistic rights

workshops across the provinces of Cusco, working with provincial authorities and grassroots organizations (personal communication, July 2015, Rosa Qquelcca), in the implementation of the interpreter and translator workshops, and in corpus planning activities like the production of dictionaries for Amazon languages spoken in the region10, and the certification program for training bilingual state functionaries.

Different professionals and academics have also come together to develop platforms for the study and promotion of Quechua, though the sustainability of these initiatives is precarious. Prior to my arrival for fieldwork, UNSAAC (Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco) had finished offering coursework for its first masters program on language planning and policy, and graduates had gathered to create a civil society platform to inform language planning and policy for the Cusco region

(personal communication, July 2015, Dr. Jaime Pantigozo). In addition, Hinantin, a group of linguists housed in UNSAAC, worked on the elaboration of translation and

transcription software in different Indigenous languages, including Quechua (personal communication, July 2014, Richard Castro Mamani).

Outside the academic, governmental and NGO landscape, the mediatized activities of some young adults and youth promoting the use of Quechua constitute an alternative set of Quechua discourses and practices. In mid 2016, Fernando Valencia Saire, a Cusco based artist, began to release a series of popular movie clips dubbed into Quechua in Youtube. His clips include bits of movies and TV shows like The Lion King, Coco, Ben Hur and El Chavo del Ocho. A bottom-up LPP initiative, these efforts

positioned Quechua as a language of entertainment, popular culture and the digital media, questioning and extending the predominant representation of Quechua as a language of rural areas, used in remedial educational and governmental services. Alongside the media activities of Fernando Valencia, youth around the Andes and Peru have also increasingly engaged in mediatized practices which bring Quechua forward through diverse music and multimodal practices. Such is the case of Quechua rapper Liberatokani and multilingual singer Renata Flores, who famously dubbed popular English hits into Quechua. In her most recent work, Zavala (2019) has analyzed some of the new forms of activism these singers and other youth engage in, arguing that they are putting forth more inclusive and politicized ways to conceive Indigenous language practices in Peru.

An exploration of youth language practices and social identification benefits from an understanding of the multiple practices and social meanings of Quechua and

Indigenous languages in Peru across scales of time and space. Sociolinguistic research in the Andes helps to situate the study of youth bilingualism and identity within ongoing processes of language contact and shift, linguistic othering and racialization, as well as amidst lives lived across rural-urban continua and amidst ideological forces which mean that many times languages are “abandoned, forgotten, dreamt, recuperated and

rediscovered” (Howard, 2007, p. 166, my translation) across individual lives or across generations. Similarly, a historical and contemporary understanding of Peruvian LPP situates the study of youth bilingualism and identity in relation to longstanding struggles and efforts to define what language diversity means and looks like within the domain of educational institutions, governmental services, language academies and activist

practices, among others. The following chapters take up many of the tensions, themes and issues identified in this overview by exploring youth’s on the ground negotiations,

explorations, contestations, questionings and above all, lived experiences with and through language.