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In document LA PRUEBA EN LOS PROCESOS DE FILIACIÓN (página 92-97)

Social  and  economic  divisions  were  observed  within  informal  settlements  where  AbM   is  present.  Interviewees  were  often  vague  about  the  subject,  but  different  ethnic,   racial,  and  language  backgrounds  were  sources  of  friction  as  observed  at  meetings  and   during  discussions  about  ‘community’  life.  Within  some  informal  settlements,  

subdivisions  based  on  race  were  causes  of  disputes  among  residents.  Indian  

descendants  and  black  shack  dwellers  in  Motala  Heights,  for  instance,  seemed  to  have   only  got  to  know  each  other  after  they  joined  AbM.171  

This  was  particular  evident  among  new  members’  narratives  about  tensions  between   residents  from  different  backgrounds.  These  new  members  used  specific,  and  at  times   derogatory,  language  while  referring  to  other  residents–  e.g.  “that  Mpondo172  is   causing  a  lot  of  trouble”  (Community  meeting  at  Annet  Drive  informal  settlement,   2010).  While,  this  kind  of  language  and  way  of  referring  to  other  people  was  often   reprehended  within  meetings,  by  more  experienced  members,  AbM  seems  to  have   often  struggled  with  these  divisions.  

AbM  has,  since  its  formation,  attempted  to  bring  together  shack-­‐dwellers  of  all   ethnicities  and  different  informal  settlements  and  ethnicities.  The  leadership  of  AbM,   for  instance,  included  shack  dwellers  from  Zulu,  Xhosa,  and  Indian  ethnicities.    

                                                                                                               

171  Although  residents  of  difference  racial  background  have  lived  in  the  same  area  for  decades,  there  is   little  indication  of  social  relations  among  them  before  AbM.  

172  Mpondo  or  AmaMpondo  is  a  term  generally,  and  incorrectly,  used  by  isiZulu  speakers  to  refer  to   isiXhosa  speakers.  It  is  often  used  in  a  derogatory  way.  Mpondo  is  the  name  of  a  group  of  isiXhosa-­‐

speaking  people  originally  from  the  Eastern  province.  

However,  this  was  not  an  easy  task.  A  number  of  interviewees  described  that  many   individuals  involved  in  the  creation  of  AbM  expressed  suspicion  towards  shack   dwellers  from  informal  settlements  or  ethnicities  other  than  their  own.  As  one   supporter  described:  

“[T]he  most  difficult  thing  in  the  beginning  was  to  make  sure  that  all  the  

communities  felt  that  they  shared  the  movement  equally.  There  was  this  constant   fear  that,  the  movement  is  really  about  Kennedy,  or  is  really  about  Foreman  [road   informal  settlement].  Like  these  communities  were  using  the  movement  to  get   things  for  themselves”  (AbM  supporter  1,  2010).  

One  member  illustrated  this  suspicion  through  an  anecdote  about  how  the  name   Abahlali  was  chosen.  According  to  this  member,  after  the  first  road  blockade  in   Kennedy,  people  from  other  informal  settlements,  expressed  the  wish  to  “join  the   action”.  This  evolved  into  a  few  other  marches,  “hosted”  by  different  settlements.  

However,  some  people  who  were  not  from  these  settlements  felt  that  they  were  not   being  represented  (AbM  member  12,  2010).  

These  marches  often  printed  t-­‐shirts  with  the  name  of  the  hosting  community  (e.g.  

Foreman  Road  march).  According  to  this  member,  people  started  to  question:  “Why   should  I  support  and  use  a  t-­‐shirt  saying  Kennedy  Road,  if  I'm  not  from  there?  People   could  feel  deceived.”  According  to  him,  this  is  how  the  name  Abahlali  emerged,  as  he   illustrated:    

“There  was  a  particular  meeting  where  there  was  a  lot  of  discussion  about  what  to   write  in  the  t-­‐shirt  for  the  next  march.  At  some  point,  [AbM  member  7]  said:  ‘But   we  are  all  abahlali;  we  are  all  living  in  the  shacks’.  This  is  where  the  [AbM]  

movement  was  born,  after  the  debate  on  what  to  write  on  the  t-­‐shirt”  (AbM   member  12,  2010).  

For  some  members,  issues  such  as  the  one  described  above,  raised  the  importance  of   inclusion,  to  create  a  sense  of  “togetherness”.  These  members  claimed  that  it  was   important  to  AbM  to  integrate  different  communities;  in  a  way  that  people  felt  that   this  was  also  “[their]  struggle”.  Interviewees  described  these  aspects  as  important  to   develop  trust  and  camaraderie.  One  supporter  described  this  approach  as  he  

experienced:  

“So,  it  is  not  just  a  vertical  relation  born  in  trust,  probably  more  –  actually  –   horizontal  relation.  And  that  takes  a  lot  of  being  together,  a  lot  of  staying  up  all   night  in  camps,  singing,  talking  ...”  (AbM  supporter  1,  2010).  

According  to  many  interviewees,  as  well  as  observations  gathered  at  meetings  and   discussions,  the  leadership  of  AbM  has  attempted  to  promote  inclusiveness  inside  the   organisation.  This  inclusiveness  and  togetherness  is  mostly  observed  from  data  on   face-­‐to-­‐face  interactions  (see  section  6.2.1.5),  and  creation  of  bonds  (section  6.4.1).  

Gender  

AbM  does  not  keep  reliable  statistics  on  the  gender  split  of  membership.  However,   from  my  own  observation  of  meetings  and  events,  AbM  members  seem  to  be  largely   women.  This  trend  is  also  reflected  in  the  elected  leadership  and  community  

committees’  representative  of  AbM.  

Women  were  often  the  majority  in  AbM  meetings.  Through  participant  observation,   there  was  no  clear  indication  of  gender  differences  regarding,  for  instance,  

participation,  abilities  and  motivation  to  speak  in  meetings,  questioning  proposals  and   decisions,  arguments,  and  leading  activities.  

Breaking  the  data  down  by  gender  and  looking  at  the  female  perspective,  women   described  similar  views  to  men  associated  with  social  bonds  and  solidarity  (see  section   6.4.1),  and  were  equally  engaged  in  political  activity.    For  instance,  some  female   members  spoke  about  how  they  feel  included  in  AbM’s  activities,  and  they  were   encouraged  to  speak  in  meetings  or  lead  actions  in  the  organisation.    

Other  female  members  perceived  no  gender  difference.  For  them,  AbM  belongs  to   them,  equally,  as  it  belongs  to  men.    

“The  way  I  look  at  it,  women  actually  stand  a  very  big  power  in  Abahlali,  because   I’ve  seen  a  lot  of  woman  stand  up  and  work  in  Abahlali  and  I  think  is  actually  making   them  more  powerful,  more  strong”  (AbM  member  1,  2010).  

Male  AbM  members  often  described  that  women  –  and  youth  –  have  the  same  power   as  men,  and  the  movement  would  not  have  achieved  its  current  position,  if  it  were  not   for  the  engagement  of  women  and  some  youth.173  A  male  member,  for  instance,   described  that:  “because  we  do  believe  in  gender  equality.  Women  have  the  same   rights,  there  is  no  men  power”  (AbM  member  19,  2010).174  

In document LA PRUEBA EN LOS PROCESOS DE FILIACIÓN (página 92-97)