9. Evaluación integral del proyecto
9.4 Análisis de razones financieras
Both American Idol and The Voice contained discourses vouching for the fairness of each show’s singing competition. Since the fundamental assumption of neoliberalism is that all aspects of society should operate using market logic, through which unrestrained competition is believed to be a priori fair and impartial and therefore assumed to produce the best outcomes, the idea that the competition on the singing talent RTV shows is fair supports neoliberal ideology. As I argued in Chapter 2, the presump-‐ tion of equality has become a pretext in U.S. neoliberalism: the assumption that society has been rid of inequality has become a taken-‐for-‐granted common sense belief that is used to justify post-‐racism, post-‐
8
This is the terminology used on the show despite the fact that most of the female contestants
are, in fact, women. I decided to stick with the show’s terminology in order to avoid confusion
and to make my references to the program easier to follow.
sexism, and ultimately to establish the neoliberal assumption that any failure of Black women to suc-‐ ceed in market competition has everything to do with their individual effort and ability and nothing to do with the unique and various forms oppression they suffer—because neoliberal intersectionality re-‐ jects the notion of systemic oppression.
By vouching for the fairness of the competition on the show, American Idol and The Voice com-‐ municate a key tenet of neoliberalism. But, as I argue in Chapter 1, hegemonic ideas, such as the fairness of market logic, must constantly be re-‐asserted and maintained. The maintenance of hegemony is ac-‐ complished in large part via popular culture, and in particular, on television shows. And, as I argued in Chapter 3, reality television has been actively conveying and maintaining neoliberal ideology, post-‐ racism, and post-‐sexism in the U.S. for at least the last 15 years. Although the Great Recession was a threat to neoliberal hegemony, it was quickly neutralized by the constant reassertion of the principles of the ideology. American Idol and The Voice rework, repackage, and relay the idea that society is fair, and that competition produces the best results, in such as way as to contribute to the hegemony of neolib-‐ eralism, and in the process, this supports continued racism, sexism, and intersectional oppression.
The primary theme that supported the presumption of fairness was the claim of equal oppor-‐ tunity. On American Idol, the idea that anyone has a chance to be an American Idol was highlighted throughout the season that I studied. For example, at the beginning of the second auditions episode, Ryan Seacrest tells the viewers, “It doesn’t matter where you start. It doesn’t matter who you are. It takes a nation to make an idol. They come from all corners of the country with dreams bigger than you can imagine” (Episode 2). Once the top 30 contestants were selected, the contestants were introduced in alphabetical order (Episode 11), which is an organizational technique used to avoid the appearance of preference, special treatment, or any kind of rank ordering.
Equal opportunity was also emphasized on The Voice. The fact that the auditions were “blind”— that the coaches could not see the contestants until they turned their chair—implied a fair and equal
chance to be chosen for the show. Contestants remarked upon this theme often. According to the con-‐ testants, the blindness of the auditions leveled the playing field in terms of appearance and age. Country singer Kristen Merlin, who looked like Ellen DeGeneres and might be characterized as “butch,” said, “The Voice is the perfect show for me because I’m going to be able to showcase my talent before I’m ever judged by my looks” (Episode 1). Tanner Linford, a short, thin, white, 16-‐year-‐old male, was also happy to be able to be judged solely for his singing: “The Voice is really unique because they are not judging you based on how you look or how small you are. I’ve been cut from a couple of things because of my size, so this is a really cool opportunity for me to be judged just by my voice” (Episode 1). Allison Bray, a 16-‐year-‐old white female, noted that the coaches couldn’t judge singers based on age, either: “This show is so important to me because I don’t think age plays a big role in this competition. Now I have the opportunity to be recognized specifically for my singing voice” (Episode 3). Tyler Montgomery, a rela-‐ tively older (24) white male, explained that the blindness of the auditions meant that “no matter how old you are, no matter how banged up you’ve been, no matter what kind of road you’ve come down, you get the same opportunity as everyone else” (Episode 5). None of the African American women on the show articulated this benefit of the blind auditions.
The celebrity coaches on The Voice also talked about the equal opportunity that the blindness of the auditions provided to the contestants. Adam Levine, one of the celebrity coaches and a pop music star, made this claim at the beginning of Episode Three: “The only thing that matters in the blind audi-‐ tions is discovering amazing voices. That is why we are here.” This claim was expanded upon at the start of Episode Four, in a pre-‐recorded package. Celebrity coach and country music star Blake Shelton told the camera, “The blind auditions are about one thing and one thing only, and that is finding an amazing voice.” As video from the previous episode of Sissaundra, one of the African American women contest-‐ ants, was shown singing, Shelton continued: “Every artist is here for a different reason but they all have the same goal. They want to win The Voice.”
The blindness of the auditions on The Voice was authenticated by the reaction of extreme sur-‐ prise from coaches who did not turn their chair until the contestant was done singing. This reaction indi-‐ cated that the way the contestant sang didn’t match the coaches’’ preconceived ideas about her or his appearance. This kind of reaction happened several times during the auditions, but the reaction to Ste-‐ vie Jo, a white male with long hair, singing an Usher song in a high voice, is illustrative. This interaction occurred between Shelton and Levine, who did not turn their chairs around, and Usher, who did. Shel-‐ ton: “What? That’s not who was singing that!” Levine (singing): “It’s a white maaaaaaan! I was pretty sure that you weren’t a white guy, and you’re a white guy!” He continued, “That’s a pleasant surprise to see someone that is like the exact opposite of what you might have thought. It blows away all pre-‐ conceived ideas of everything, and that’s why we’re here, and that’s why we love music.” Usher chimed in, “I was really blown away because I thought you were Black, too,” to which Levine responded, “He sounds like Usher and he looks like Blake.” While this exchange suggests that the auditions might be blind, the fact that the coaches clearly think about the race of the contestants belies their claim that blindness guarantees equality. Also, the blindness valorized here only begins and ends with each con-‐ testant’s audition performance. Once the audition is over, the supposed benefits of blindness disappear long before the actual competition begins. Being chosen for one of the coach’s teams is only the start of the show. From there, each contestant is in full view of the coaches and the audience, which allows for racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination to factor into who wins the competition.
In addition to the equal opportunity theme, the contestants on American Idol were consistently represented as being equal in terms of talent. Starting with the cut to the top 30 contestants, a constant theme spoken by the judges and Ryan was that this was the most competitive season ever, and the most difficult to judge, because all of the contestants were exceedingly talented and deserving. The difficulty for the judges was mentioned multiple times every episode, beginning with the final cuts to the Top 30. Jennifer Lopez articulated this quite clearly when explaining the cut the judges had to make to get down
to the Top 10 final girls: “This is very difficult for us because we only get to choose ten to sing tonight of the fifteen. We really believe in every single one of these girls. We think they’re all amazing. So, again, another tough night for us to do this” (Episode 11).
Another way that the presumption of equality was rendered on The Voice was in terms of the diversity of musical genres on the show. As with post-‐feminism, where the successes of feminism and individual successful women are referenced to imply that sexism no longer exists, the show’s genre di-‐ versity discourse suggests that equality exists on the show because a diverse group of musical genres are represented. The categorization of contestants by musical genre was the most consistently occurring discursive element of the Blind Auditions. Throughout the auditions, all but a few contestants were placed into the following popular musical genres: Country, R&B, Rock, Indie, Blues/Soul, and Pop. In Epi-‐ sode 6, when each coach selected the final member of his or her team, Blake Shelton noted, “Team Blake for Season 6 couldn’t be more diverse. I have R&B. Country. I have pop. I have a duo. I have rock.” When Shakira’s team roster was full, she explained that her team was “very well-‐rounded—it’s multidi-‐ mensional. I have pop singers, I have R&B singers, and that was kind of my plan this season, to get the best of each world.” This theme was extended in the Best of the Blind Audition episode, which showed clips from the Blind Auditions and was divided into segments introducing each coach’s team. As contest-‐ ants were reintroduced to the audience as team members, they were also tagged with the music genre into which they fit. For example, when four of Blake Shelton’s team members were featured, Carson introduced them as “aspiring pop artist,” “country singer,” “country duo,” and “rocker.” This emphasis, articulated by the coaches, on selecting singers that fit neatly into specific musical genres denies and devalues singers who are able to cross, combine, or transcend the traditional forms of music and sing-‐ ing. This kind of border policing stifles the possibility of intersectional musical genres and of the ability of artists to cross those borders.
both shows asserted that anyone, no matter what, could win the contest as long as they were great singers. This creates the context for the rest of the show, namely, how the judges and coaches evaluate contestants, and how decisions are made as to who is cut, who gets to compete, and who ultimately wins. More specifically, the discourse of equality on these shows implies that the judges, the audience, and those who vote for contestants are essentially blind to issues of race, gender, class, and sexuality. All that matters is singing talent. The discourse of equality found on these shows is analogous to the presumed equality of the market, where anyone is able to compete and win regardless of anything out-‐ side of the market logic.